The Peoples power league : a progressive organization in Montana 1911-1915
by Edrie Lee Vinson
A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in
History
Montana State University
© Copyright by Edrie Lee Vinson (1976)
Abstract:
K. Ross Toole, professor of Montana History, has characterized the progressive era in the state as
nothing more than "sound and fury and one small tax reform," Yet in the general election of 1912 the
electorate adopted four initiative measures reforming the political process. This unprecedented fact is
certain evidence of the success of the progressive spirit in Montana's political history.
In 1911, after repeated failures of Montana's assembly to legislate political reform, Miles Romney
organized the People's Power League to circulate initiative petitions for a direct primary, presidential
and vice presidential primary, popular nomination of senators, and a corrupt practices act. League
leaders believed the passage of these measures would effectively take political power out of the hands
of large corporate interests and give it to the people.
Politically, the League contained Democrats, Republicans, Progressives, Socialists and laborites. None
of the prominent members held state elective office at this time. Professionally, they were lawyers,
judges, newspapermen, merchants, bankers, doctors, public employees, ranchers, farmers, and a large
contingent of union affiliated laborers. Representing a wide ethnic variety, they also ranged from new
arrivals on the Montana scene to the older pioneers who came with the first gold rush.
Although the League managed to avoid economic, political and geographic schisms when dealing with
political reform, it was only partially successful in achieving broad social changes. In 1914, the
League's emphasis shifted from reform of the political process to legislation of social responsibility.
The League initiated a measure for farm loans to aid Montana's agriculturalists. The same year the
members sponsored an initiative for workmen's compensation to fulfill a promise made earlier to the
union men. League leaders believed that these two issues would build a political farmer-laborer
coalition.
Rural voters supported the League on the farm measure, but deserted it when voting on workmen's
compensation. The farmer, though generally of the same economic status as the wage earner, was
convinced by corporate interests that labor legislation would be applied against him, for he was, after
all, an employer of labor.
In 1912 the People's Power League succeeded because the issues united progressives to pass legislation
dealing with political reforms that each individual felt would increase his own power. But in 1914
when the issues shifted to non-political reform favoring one faction over another, the League's unity
shattered. 
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—  U
THE PEOPLE'S POWER LEAGUE: A PROGRESSIVE
ORGANIZATION IN MONTANA 1911-1915
by
EDRIE LEE VINSON
A thes is  submitted in part ia l  fulf i l lment  
of the requirements for the degree
of
MASTER OF ARTS 
in
History
Approved:
Chairman,/Examining Committee
lead. Major Department
Graduate Bean
MONTANA STATE UNIVERSITY 
Bozeman, Montana
August, 1976
i n
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I would l ike  to. thank the employees of the Montana State . 
University Library, the Montana Historical Library, and the Office of 
the Secretary of State for  th e i r  help in.f inding research materials.
' I also want to. thank the facu l ty ,  s t a f f  and students in the, 
History Department a t  Montana State University for th e i r  encouragement, 
with a special thanks to members of my committee. Dr. Richard B. Roeder,
chairman. Dr. Jeffrey J. Safford and Dr. Michael P. Malone. Profes-
'
sors. Emeritus.Dr. Merrill Burlingame and Dr. Robert Dunbar have also 
contributed to my project  with information and suggestions. Dr. Mac 
Watson gave me encouragement and ed i to r ia l  assistance.
Others deserving mention are William A. Johnstone, MSU Vice 
President of Admissions, who gave me information on his grandfather,
W. K. Harber, a member of the People's Power league; Paul Davidson 
of Bozeman, who remembered Walter Hartman, the Gallatin County repre­
sentative of the League; and Bessie K. Monroe of Hamilton who gave me 
information concerning Miles Romney, President of the League.
A special thanks goes to the l a te  Ravalli Senator Miles Romney, 
J r . ,  son of the President.of  the People's Power League. Miles, J r .  was 
only ten years old when his father  organized the League, but his vivid 
recol lect ions of the a c t iv i ty ,  the men who v is i ted  his home to for­
mulate plans for the League, his f a th e r ' s  correspondence and acquain­
tances , and his f a th e r ' s  rela t ionships with s ta te  o f f i c i a l s  were most
I V
helpful . information. Miles, J r ' s ,  continued in te res t  in the po l i t ica l  
a f f a i r s  of the s ta te  gave par t icu la r  authori ty  to his assessment of 
the contribution of the.work of the People's Power League to s ta te  . 
government.
Mr. Charles .Fox photographed the cartoons from newspaper micro­
film, and Fred Vinson produced.the pr in ts  and maps. The Montana His­
tor ica l  Society gave permission to use the photograph of Miles Romney-;: 
Numerous fr iends and fellow students spent hours pouring over the 
typed pages to help eliminate errors .
The warmest of thank yous must go to my children,  Thom and 
Leann, for  carrying the burden of mother and housekeeper while the i r  
mother took on the role of student. And to my father ,  the man who 
never doubted me or neglected to encourage-me, and who gave both moral 
and financial support,  I dedicate th is  work.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
INTRODUCTION. . . . . ............................................................ ...  I
Chapter
I. Reaction to the Twelfth Legislative Assembly, 1911. . . 6
I I .  The Organization of. the People's Power League................  25
I I I .  Delays, T r ia ls ,  Frustrat ions. . . ' .  . . ............................. 54
IV. The Campaign and Election of 1 9 12 ...........................   67
V. The Legislature and Social Responsibility ................ ... . 81
VI. A Prol i fera t ion  of Leagues for the 1914 Campaign. . . .  92
VII. "The Fight . . . Has Only Just  Begun,"........................   107
VIII. The Aftermath: Reaction and Restoration. . . . . . . .  T22
CONCLUSION. . .................... ............................... ........................... ...  134
BIBLIOGRAPHY............................ ......................................... .......................... . 138
• ',Vi
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Figure Page
I.  "Dark Horse or Ringer," Montana Lookout, January 28,
1911, p. I .................... ................................... .... 17.
. 2. "Diagnosis of a Complicated Case," Montana Lookout,
February 25, 1911, p. I . . . . . . .  ............................. . . . 19
3. "Somebody on the Party Lines," Montana Lookout,
March 4, 1911, p. I ................ .... .................................... .... . . .  21
4. "Miles Romney, Founder and President of the People's 
Power League, 1911-1915. Montana Historical
Society Photograph. . . . . . . . . . . . . .  . ... . 33
5. Election Returns by.County: Workmen's Compensation
In i t i a t i v e ,  1914. . . . . . . ' ........................ .... . . . . . . .118
6. Election Returns by County: Farm Loans
In i t i a t i v e ,  1914. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  .. . 119
ABSTRACT
K. Ross Toole, professor of Montana History, has characterized 
the progressive era in the s ta te  as nothing more than "sound and fury 
and one small tax reform," Yet in the general elect ion of 1912 the 
e lec tora te  adopted four i n i t i a t i v e  measures reforming the po l i t ica l  
process. This unprecedented fac t  is certain  evidence of the success of 
the progressive s p i r i t  in Montana's po l i t ica l  history.
In 1911, a f t e r  repeated fa i lu res  of Montana's assembly to 
leg i s la te  po l i t ica l  reform. Miles Romney organized the People's Power 
League to c ircu la te  i n i t i a t i v e  pe t i t ions  for  a d i rec t  primary, p res i ­
dential and vice presidentia l  primary, popular nomination of senators, 
and a corrupt practices act .  League leaders believed the passage of 
these measures would effec t ive ly  take po l i t ica l  power out of the hands 
of large corporate in te res ts  and give i t  to the people.
Po l i t ic a l ly ,  the League contained Democrats, Republicans, 
Progressives, Soc ia l is ts  and labor i tes .  None of the prominent, members 
held s ta te  e lect ive  off ice  a t  th is  time. Professionally, they were 
lawyers, judges, newspapermen, merchants, bankers, doctors, public 
employees, ranchers, farmers, and a Targe contingent of union a f f i l ­
iated laborers.  Representing a wide ethnic varie ty ,  they also ranged 
from new a rr iva ls  on the Montana scene to the older pioneers who came 
with the f i r s t  gold rush.
Although the League managed to avoid economic, po l i t ica l  and 
geographic schisms when dealing with po l i t ica l  reform, i t  was only 
pa r t i a l ly  successful in achieving broad social changes. In 1914, the 
League's emphasis sh if ted from reform of the po l i t ica l  process to 
leg is la t ion  of social responsib i l i ty .  The League in i t i a t ed  a measure 
for farm loans to aid Montana's ag r i cu l tu ra l i s t s .  The same year the 
members sponsored an i n i t i a t i v e  for workmen's compensation to f u l f i l l  
a promise made e a r l i e r  to the union men. League leaders believed that  
these two issues would build a po l i t ica l  farmer-laborer coal i t ion.
Rural voters supported the League on the farm measure, but deserted i t  
when voting on workmen's compensation. The farmer, though generally 
of the same economic sta tus as the wage earner, was convinced by cor­
porate in te res ts  tha t  labor leg is la t ion  would be applied against him, 
for  he was, a f t e r  a l l ,  an employer of labor.
In 1912 the People's Power League succeeded because the issues 
united progressives to pass leg is la t ion  dealing with po l i t ica l  reforms 
tha t  each individual f e l t  would increase his own power. But in 1914 
when the issues shif ted  to non-polit ical reform favoring one faction 
over another, the League's unity shattered.
v i i
INTRODUCTION
Progressivism and the People's Power League
Tradit ionally ,  historians have associated the phenomenon of 
progressivism with a pa r t icu la r  socio-economic c lass .  Leaders of 
progressive reform movements were customarily typed, as young, ideal­
i s t i c  professionals from upper middle-class families.  In turn, the 
ta rge t  for reform a c t iv i t i e s  was,usually thought of as an urban p o l i t ­
ical machine which drew i t s  strength from newly arrived immigrants and 
the laboring c lass .  : Within the past few decades, however, these
assumptions have been undergoing scrutiny and challenge. I t  is no
I 'longer possible to accept them as en t i re ly  and exclusively true.
A recent study by John Buenker, for example, ca l l s  the t r a d i ­
tional  assumptions about progressivism into question by demonstrating
■
that  i t  was the urban "machine" po l i t ic ians  who saved the progressive 
17th Amendment for  d i rec t  elect ion of senators from defeat by old-stock 
rural Republicans. Another repudiation of the conventional theory by 
Michael Rogin and John Shover has iden t i f ied  the prime supporters of 
Cali forn ia 's  progressive governor, Hiram Johnson, as a wave of newly- , 
arrived immigrants. Equally a t  odds with the t rad i t iona l  assumptions 
is the fac t  tha t  as soon as Johnson began to implement his progressive
^Robert H. Wiebe, The Search for  Order 1877-1920 (New York:
Hill and Wang, 1967). ,
2ideas, those who formerly supported him, professionals from estab-
O
lished middle-class families, now began to desert  him en masse.
An increasing number of local in depth studies of the pro­
gressive period changes our generalized overview, but s t i l l  no firm 
agreement on in te rpre ta t ion  is  available.  Richard Roeder's study of 
the early years of progressivism in Montana, covering the period 
around 1906, located progressives variously in rural farming and 
ranching communities, in urban civic  organizations and women's clubs, 
in labor unions, and among the "mainstreeters."  Since progressives 
were found to have existed in a l l  segments of the s t a t e ' s  society,  
the rela ted question was raised:  who comprised the opposition?
According to the study of K. Ross Toole, the Anaconda Copper Mining 
Company made up the opposition. Toole fur ther  claims tha t  a pro­
gressive element within the s ta te  was negligible  in tha t  i t  fa i led  to 
check the "special influence" of the company.
An understanding of the participants,  within the progressive 
movement and an evaluation of the resu l ts  of th e i r  e f fo r t s  are but 23
2Arthur Mann, e d . , The Progressive Era: Major Issues of
In terpreta t ion (2nd e d . , Hinsdale, I l l i n o i s :  Dryden Press, 1975),
pp. 95-107, 20-30.
3
Richard Brown Roeder, "Montana in the Early Years of the Pro­
gressive Period," (unpublished Ph.D. d is se r ta t ion .  University of 
Pennsylvania, 1971); K. Ross Toole, "Rebuttal: When Is a Reform a
Reform?" Montana the Magazine o f  Western History, XX (Autumn, 1970), 
p. 27; Toole, Twentieth Century Montana: A State of Extremes, (Norman
University of Oklahoma Press, 1972). ' ~
3pieces of the puzzle of the progressive era. However, t h e i r  goals can 
. give. us. some insight, into th e i r  character . Benjamin Parke DeWitt, a 
contemporary observer, described th e i r  proposals thus :
Corrupt special influence must be removed; the s tructure  
of the government must be modified so as to allow a greater  
. and more d i rec t  part ic ipa tion  by the people in the conduct 
of public a f f a i r s ;  and, f in a l ly ;  the functions of the govern­
ment must be increased, in an e f fo r t  to meet industr ia l  arid 
social needs.4 , ■
Theodore Roosevelt echoed.the f i r s t  of these objectives in a 
speech delivered in Oswatomie, Kansas:
We must drive the special in te res ts  out of po l i t i c s .
That is one of dur tasks today. Every: special i n t e r e s t . i s  
en t i t led  to j u s t i c e—fu l l ,  f a i r  and competent—but not one 
is en t i t led  to a vote in congress, a voice on the bench, or 
to representation in any public o f f i c e . ^
Thus, these two spokesmen of the period ident ify  a central goal 
or issue of the progressive movement—to remove "special influence" 
and "special in te res t"  from government power.
A revived.emphasis on issues provides new guidelines in the 
historiography of progressivism. David Thelen1s recent in terpreta t ion  
of American progressivism does not associate  the reformist movement 
with any pa r t icu la r  group or social c lass .  He emphasizes, rather ,  
those issues he considers to be charac te r i s t ic  of the ear ly years of
^Roeder, p. 223.
C
"The.Progressive Creed Proclaimed by Roosevelt;" Montana 
Lookout, September 3, 1910, p. I .
4progress!vism. Thus one person may have supported many issues con­
sidered as progressive, while opposing others equally reformative in.
nature. Thelen's method, then , allows the issue to indicate  who were .
6
progressives on any given occasion.
A study of the progressive era must include personal i t ies ,  
issues,  and documentation of the accomplishments of the movement. > . 
These h is tor ica l  fac ts  are abundant, although not widely known. In 
1912, the Montana e lec tora te  passed reform measures of an unprecedented 
nature, each of them aimed a t  curbing special in te res t  in s ta te  gov­
ernment. The passage of th is  leg i s la t ion ,  c lear ly  the resu l ts  of 
progressive thinking, was accomplished almost en t i re ly  through the 
e f fo r ts  of.an organization known as the People's Power League, a fact 
which seems to have been overlooked by students of Montana history.  . 
Until  we have thoroughly assessed the role  played by the League in 
accomplishing the reforms of 1912, our understanding of progressivism
7 •
in Montana will remain only part ia l  and inadequate. .
The present study must, of necessity , l imit  i t s e l f  to a 
deta iled account of the origins and a c t iv i t i e s  of the People's Power 
League, pa r t icu la r ly  the crucial role th is  organization played in 
i n i t i a t i n g  reform leg is la t ion  in .1912 and 191.4; In pursui t  of th is  ■ *i
^Mann, pp. 31-45.
i  '
. Secretary of State  In i t i a t iv e  f i l e s ,  1912. .
.5
goal, the following questions will be addressed: How did the Leagud
come into being? Who were the main organizers of the League? Which 
groups and individuals comprised the League's opposition? Were the 
League's issues charac te r i s t ic  of those labeled as progressive? And, 
what were i t s  successes and fa i lu res?  This study will also attempt 
to locate the League's a c t iv i t i e s  within the larger framework of the 
progressive movement in general.
CHAPTER I
REACTION TO THE TWELFTH LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY, 1911
In 1911 the People's Power League of Montana organized as a 
group of independent volunteers for the purpose of reforming the 
s t a t e ' s  po l i t ica l  processes through d i rec t  leg is la t ion .  This group 
formed in reaction to the fa i lu re  of Congress, successive leg is la tu res ,  
and party committees to respond to public, demands for  po l i t ica l  reform. 
According to the League members, powerful agents of the Anaconda 
Copper Mining Company generally controlled both Democratic and Repub­
lican county and s ta te  conventions. Through th e i r  control of these 
conventions the agents nominated men favorably disposed to company 
in te re s t s .  Cri t ics  inside and outside of the League accused the com­
pany of financing the campaigns of i t s  favori tes  to such a lavish 
extent tha t  independent individuals were unable to compete against 
them. Those elected to the leg is la tu re  through company support neg­
lected respons ib i l i t ie s  to the public and yielded to the demands of 
the special in te re s t  tha t  placed them in off ice .  Legislators who were 
successful through th is  company-dominated convention system refused to 
pass po l i t ica l  reforms tha t  probably would remove them from power, 
despite the fac t  tha t  they promised such leg is la t ion  in th e i r  party 
platforms; Since the leg is la tu re  refused to jeopardize i t s  power
7by accomplishing reforms for a more representative government, the
ILeague organized to handle the reform process i t s e l f .
While.the l eg i s la t ive  assembly accumulated notor ie ty ,  a few of 
Montana's newspapers developed a strong t rad i t ion  of avid, independent, 
journalism. Although the mining in te res ts  which consolidated under the 
name of. Anaconda owned a large portion of the s t a t e ' s  presses, those 
editors who could not be bought refused to be controlled.  These inde- 
pendent news ed i to rs ,  especially those speaking for the League, magni­
fied an image.of the a l I -powerful company to the i r  f u l l e s t  ab i l i ty .
But these editors adopted the theme from e a r l i e r  generations rather 
than creating i t  themselves. Mining in te res ts  within the s ta te  suf­
fered similar  d ia t r ibes  before the Anaconda Company arrived on the 
scene, and jou rna l i s t ic  pressure against  the mining in te res ts  continues 
today. , "
Contemporary c r i t i c s  dwelt on company control of the leg is ­
la ture  and neglected to emphasize i t s  real accomplishments. Historians 
tend to r e f l e c t  these c r i t i c s '  views, and the "company theme" dominates 
most of th e i r  writ ing. Through exploitat ion of the bizarre or color­
ful nature of Montana's po l i t i c s ,  such as the Clark and Daly feuds, I
I
"Primaries in Missoula Run by Amalgamated . . . ," Western 
• News, May 28, 1912, p, I .
8historians have bypassed the s ign i f ican t  contributions of the leg is-
2la ture  during the progressive era.
Not all  l eg i s la t iv e  sessions were devoid of accomplishments, 
pa r t icu la r ly  the session of 19.11. Burton K. Wheeler, representative 
from Butte, considered tha t  body to be one of Montana's most pro­
gressive assemblies. Yet in regard to po l i t ica l  reform, the session 
fa i led  to produce the desired laws. C r i t ic s ,  especial ly those of the 
People’s Power League, claimed tha t  th is  assembly f i t  the same mold 
of corruption and bizarre behavior cast  by i t s  predecessors.
One of the most outspoken c r i t i c s  of the leg is la tu re  was Jerre  
Murphy, a former secretary to Wisconsin's progressive Robert LaFolle t te .  
Believing tha t  the leg is la to rs  were always company controlled, Murphy 
rarely gave c red i t  when c red i t  was due. I l lu s t r a t ing  his lack of *3
o
See Christopher P. Connolly, "The Story of Montana," McClures 
Magazine, August, pp. 346-361, September, pp. 451-465, October, pp. 
629-639, November, pp. 27-43, December, pp. 198-210, 1906; Connolly 
The Devil Learns to Vote: The Story of Montana (New York: Covici,
Friede, 1938); Carl B. Glasscock, The War of the Copper Kings:
Builders of Butte and Wolves of Wall S treet  (New York and Indianapolis: 
Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1935); Merrill G. Burlingame and K. Ross Toole, e d . , 
A History of Montana 3 vols. (New York: Lewis Historical Publishing
Co., 1957).; Richard Brown Roeder, "Montana in the Early Years of the 
Progressive Period," (unpublished Ph.D. d isse r ta t ion ,  University of 
Pennsylvania, 1971), p. 106.
3 'Burton K. Wheeler with Paul F. Healy, Yankee From the West 
(Garden City, New York: Doubleday & Company, Inc. ,  1962), p. 95;
Montana Historical Society Archives, Montana Governors' Papers, Legis­
la t ive  Series ,  Box 5, SI.
9fa i th  in the s ta te  house, Murphy warned the leg is la tu re  tha t  i t  was 
time for  things to change:
I f  i t  shall happen, in harmony with the po l i t ic s  and methods 
and influences whereby alien in te res ts  and inf luentia l  po l i ­
t ic ians  have made Montana infamous, tha t  the present leg is la tu re  
f a i l s  in performance as some predecessors have done, i t  will also 
happen tha t  independent c i t izens  in various parts of the s ta te  
actuated by common purpose, will undertake to give the voters 
of Montana an opportunity to vote d i rec t ly  for laws which will 
meet the public demand and which will be framed and voted upon 
by the people without any amendments or compromises or "jokers" 
to meet the needs of foxy statesmen or lawless combines.4
At leas t  in the area of important po l i t ica l  reform the leg is la tu re
fa i led  to heed his warning.
One of the main issues which surfaced in the 1911 session was 
the desire for a mechanism to give the people some voice in the 
selection of a United States senator. Prior to the 17th Amendment, 
the most highly publicized function of the assembly centered around 
i t s  e lect ion of a senator. This duty usually aroused most of the 
complaints of bribery, corruption and special in te re s t  control.  The 
Populist brought the f i r s t  call  for d i rec t  elect ion of senators in the 
1890's, but a f t e r  the party folded around 1906 th is  portion of i t s  
platform became a part  of the mainstream of po l i t i c s .
Since 1893 the Montana Assembly had memorialized Congress to 
amend the const i tu t ion for d i rec t  election of senators or to call a , ,
4 "Hints for Foxy Statesmen," Montana Lookout, January 7, 1911,
p. 4.
10
special convention to amend i t .  Congressional fa i lu re  to respond can 
be part ly  due to a desire for s e l f  preservation or perpetuation. The 
leg is la tu re s ,  hot the people, had placed each senator in Washington, 
and they wanted to stay th e re .^
By 1909, a f t e r  Congress' repeated refusal to act  on the matter,  
some members of the leg is la tu re  decided tha t  the s ta te  would have to 
adopt some a l te rna t ive  course of act ion.  But the type of leg is la t ion  
was subject to dispute. The conservatives who opposed d i rec t  nomi­
nation proposed tha t  party conventions se lec t  senatorial nominees.
The progressives wanted to by-pass corporate controlled conventions 
and allow the people to nominate candidates. Either way, by law the 
leg is la tu re  made the final  choice, so the old guard saw no need for 
a public voice in the decision making process. The various factions 
refused to compromise and the 1909 leg is la to rs  had no more success in 
dealing with the question than they had.in persuading Congress to 
tackle  i t . ^
Attempting to prevent a reinactment of these irreconci lable
Boeder, pp. 106-107; Senate Journal of the Tenth Session of 
the Legislative Assembly of t h e S t a t e  of Montana 1907 (Helena: State
Publishing Co., 1907), SJRl, pp. 26, 329; Senate Journal of th e . 
Eleventh Session of the Legislative Assembly of the State  of Montana, 
1909 (Helena: State  Publishing Co., 1909), HJRl, pp. 97, 230.
^Senate Journal of the Eleventh Session of the Legislative . 
Assembly of the State of Montana, 1909 (Helena: State Publishing Co.,
1909), SB9, pp. 16, 106, SBlOl, pp. 195, 280, SB!22, pp. 271 , 325,
380, HB43, pp. 39, 227, 279.
11
differences in the. next session, the 1910 Democratic State Central
Committee discussed the poss ib i l i ty  of allowing voters within the party
to express th e i r  choice for senator. This method could have shif ted
the responsib i l i ty  fo r  reform from the leg is la tu re  another step down
to the party level .  The motion narrowly missed passage. Members
favoring the motion declared tha t  the "company" defeated i t ,  while the
opposition maintained tha t  the a ir ing of individual preferences might
leave the party less united against the Republican candidate in the 
7
next assembly.
When the 12.th Assembly met .in, 1911 the senatorial  nomination 
question was far  from se t t l ed .  In addition to conservative and pro­
gressive b i l l s  from the preceding sess ion,  the Senate provided a new 
"Republican" version of the b i l l .  The Republicans f in a l ly  agreed to 
allow voters an expression of choice, but believed tha t  in order to 
maintain party puri ty ,  the l eg is la to rs  should be required to vote for 
the candidate receiving the highest votes in the i r  own party. The 
House then came up with a "Democratic" b i l l  for senator ial nomination.
Edito r ia l ,  Montana Lookout, July 23, 1910, p. 4; "How the 
People Can Select a Senator," August 27, 1910, p. I .  Murphy related 
the views of Ravalli Senator Miles Romney from the Western News.
Romney claimed the committee f a i l ed , to  pass the motion because Fred 
Whiteside of Flathead, Henry C. S t i f f  of Missoula, and C. H. Crutchfield 
of Ravalli ,  and "others of s imilar  corporate connections" held proxies 
to defeat i t .  "Letters to the Editor," September 3, 1910, p. 3, 
carried the r e to r t  of Mr. S t i f f ,  affirming tha t  he authored the motion 
and tha t  Whiteside supported i t .  The Democrats, however, were, far  
from united in a choice for  senator in the following session.
12
As both of Montana's senators were Republicans, the Democrats insisted 
tha t  the leg is la tu re  r a t i f y  the people's choice regardless of party.
This provision would make the senator responsible to the people, rather 
than to party bosses, and possibly help e lec t  a Democrat to office.
Other leg is la to rs  outside these party blocs preferred to be 
free to support th e i r  own favor i te ,  rather  than being forced to vote 
for someone they personally opposed. Representatives who held con­
siderable power within the party organization wanted conventions to do 
the nominating, thus allowing them to exercise the i r  personal power in 
the process. On the other hand, leg is la to rs  on the fringes of party 
power knew th e i r  influence could best be f e l t  through the voice of the 
people. And, of course, the old die-hards wanted nothing to do with
any of these b i l l s  and. ins is ted  on leaving the nomination and election
■ 8
of senators up to the leg is la tu re  as the Constitution required.
Possibly each of these options was a valid expression of po l i t ica l  
philosophy as well as a means of increasing personal power. Yet the 
c r i t i c a l  editors believed the wrangling over the proper method of 8
8
Montana Governors' Papers, Legislative Series ,  Box 5, SI.
This ser ies  is most useful.when several b i l l s  appear by the same t i t l e ,  
as i t  includes the ful l  t ex t  of each as presented to the leg is la tu re ,  
plus amendments. HBl, SB2; "Big Fight on Direct Primary Law,"
Western News, January 6, 1911, p. I .  The t i t l e  "primary" is misleading 
in our present use o f  the term. The law permitted voting on senatorial 
candidates in the general election, '  before the leg is la tu re  made i t s  
lawful choice.
13.
nominating a senator was but a ruse to defeat the issue. AS an
example, Senator Dixorj wrote:
This method of defeating leg is la t ion  has been resorted 
to time and again in leg is la t ive  bodies, and the responsi­
b i l i t y  for the fa i lu re  of meritorious leg is la t ion  attempted 
to be transferred to the shoulders of someone e l s e . 9
Equally concerned, but with somewhat less sophist ica t ion,  Jerre
Murphy accused the assembly of "throwing dust in the eyes of the people
for  the purpose of hiding the real issue."  In his typical anti-company
rhe to r ic ,  the b a t t le  .as he saw i t  was not between the House and Senate,
10nor the Democrats and Republicans, but the company and the people.
■ A joint-conference committee took on the enormous task of 
sort ing through the.various demands of each faction and came up with a 
hodge-podge version called the Everett b i l l  for senatorial  nomination. 
As discussed above, the Republicans ins is ted  on l e g i s l a to r ' s  party 
loyalty when electing senators while the Democrats wanted leg is la to rs  
to support the popular nominee.regardless of party. As a way of 
avoiding a l ike ly  confrontation between pa r t ies ,  the committee simply 
ignored the issue.  This l e f t  an opening for further  arguments in the 
following session. The Committee's b i l l  aimed at  meeting both party 
and public demands by allowing the party to nominate i t s  candidate, yet
Q  .
Letter  from Joseph M. Dixon, Montana Lookout, January 7, 1911,
pp. 1 , 12.
in■"The Real and NohrPartisan Conflict ,"  Montana Lookout, April 
15, 1911, p. 15.
14
s t i l l  leaving room for public nomination by pe t i t ions .  Getting down
to the practical  aspects,  the b i l l  provided tha t  the leg is la to rs
themselves have a choice e i ther  to remain independent or support the
people's choice of candidate. But to make th is  provision all  above-
board-, the l eg i s la t ive  candidates were to f i l e  pledges: I) to be
bound by the people's choice for senator, or 2) not to be bound.
Therefore the voters would know in advance of elect ing a leg is la to r
11where he stood on the issues.
The jo in t  conference committee undoubtedly believed that  i t s  
concoction was a masterpiece of l eg i s la t ion ,  mollifying all  concerned. 
The assembly passed the b i l l ,  possibly j u s t  to avoid fur ther  c r i t ic ism ,  
but the progressive editors made the Everett b i l l , t h e  laughing stock 
of the 12th Assembly.
The Western News coined the b i l l  the "primary freak" and ". . . 
the joker of the Twelfth Leg is la tu re ." Romney complained that  the 
company controlled both party conventions and would prevent the people's 
candidate from gett ing on.the ba l lo t .  W. K. Harber of the River Press 
asserted tha t  the Everett law was a "step backward," allowing party
H '
House Journal of the Twelfth Session of the Legislative 
Assembly a t  the State  of Montana, 1911 (Helena: Independent Publishing
Co., 1911), HB 427; pp. 625, 842!, This is the b i l l  tha t  became law; 
Senate Journal of the Twelfth Session of the Legislative Assembly of 
the State of Montana, 1911 (Helena:. Independent Publishing Co., 1911), 
SBl92, pp. .481-82, 522, is  the same as HB427, SB!93, pp. 481, 485, ,
came from the minority of the joint-conference committee.
15
bosses more e ffect ive  control over senatorial  e lections.  The Great 
Fal ls Leader responded
. . . d i rec t  primary--rats! The nerve of the Twelfth . 
l eg i s la t ive  assembly in naming the thing put out as a 
"direct  primary," is  only equalled by the nerve of the 
Butte Miner in attempting to make po l i t ica l  capital  of 
the emasculated monstrosity.
And the righteously indignant Bill ings Gazette replied:
When the people asked for bread they were handed a 
sackful of chaff from which every kernel of wheat had been 
extracted.  They thought they were gett ing a measure whereby 
a recognized evil would be abated, and instead they got the 
"merry ha, h a . "12
The cut-and-paste law to reform the senatorial  e lect ion process 
fa i led  to heal the breach between part ies  and conservatives and 
progressives, but the actual process of electing a senator in the 1911 
assembly proved to be even more of a f iasco.
The Democrats held high hopes of choosing a successor to 
Senator Thomas H. Carter, the one-time Daly sponsored conservative 
Republican. But Carter wished to keep the seat  he had claimed since 
1895. When agents of the company fa i led  to get a Republican majority 
elected to the leg is la tu re  to support Carter,  they turned the i r  charm 
to Democratic members. Butte 's  Democratic representa t ive Burton K.
'^"Today's Ballot Shows L i t t l e  Change," Western News, March 3, 
1911, p. 2; "For Popular Government," River Press , March 29, 1911, 
p. 4; "For Which Honor is  Due Nobody," Great Falls Leader, as in 
Montana Lookout, April I ,  1911, p. 6; "Played With the People," 
Billings Gazette, as in Western News, April. 11, 1911.
16
Wheeler claimed vote buying was extensive in the session, but especially 
in regard to the senate e lection.
Originally, the two part ies expected a showdown between the 
aging Senator. Carter and Thomas J.  Walsh, a Democrat and acclaimed 
favori te  of the people. Several leg is la to rs  remained uncommitted 
expecting former Democratic senator and copper magnate W. A. Clark to 
throw his hat into the ring. Once W. G. Conrad, a th ird  Democrat 
entered the race, no one candidate could accumulate a majority vote.
The senatorial e lection provided the assembly with a carnival 
atmosphere. Even the town folks joined in the hullabaloo. A Butte 
mainstreet pool room posted odds on the e lect ion.  The c l ien te le  
favored former Senator W. A. Clark in the betting a t  6 to 5, with 
Carter running close a t  7 to 5. Walsh supporters placed his chance at  
2 to I ,  while Conrad t r a i l e d  a t  3 to I .  This "senatorial handicap" 
made a debauchery of l eg i s la t ive  responsib i l i ty ,  but what actually 
took place behind those granite  capitol walls was an even worse 
mockery.
Balloting for  senator continued for over two months. The 
insertion and deletion of various new names increased the confusion. 
During the closing hours of the session Montana had no man to f i l l  
Carter 's  seat .  After the seventy-ninth ba l lo t  someone threw in the 
name of Henry Lee Myers, Democrat and D is t r ic t  Judge from Ravalli 
County. At th is  c r i t i c a l  moment Walsh and Conrad threw th e i r  support
17
DerK Horse or RinRerV
"Incorporated Horse Owner--If you think you are carrying 
too much weight to win with Amalgamated in th is  race, Tom, 
we have another acceptable Jockey willing to r i d e . "
Montana Lookout, January 28, 1911, p. I.
18
Z
to Myers in order to prevent e i ther  the. re-e lec tion of Carter or 
sending no senator to Washington a t  all.. Though Walsh .believed Myers 
was independent and honest, i ron ica l ly ,  the "company men" supported 
him too. Myers received a unanimous vote for senator on the 80th
I O
ba l lo t ,  only f ive minutes before the leg is la tu re  adjourned.
Myers had played a secondary role  in Fred Whiteside's exposure 
of W. A. Clark's alleged bribery of the leg is la tu re  for a senate seat 
in 1899. During the twelve intervening years the people apparently 
forgot him. In the aftermath of the sess ion, reporters ,  the public, 
and leg is la to rs  a l ike  busied themselves trying to ident ify  the newly 
elected senator. The Western News bemoaned the event, claiming that  
one l eg i s la to r  thought he voted for Myer, manager of the Helena Hotel. 
Another colleague assumed tha t  he voted for a State Senator Meyer of 
Carbon County. The leg i s la t ive  correspondent told the edi tor  that  
" i t  was about the worst mixed up mess I ever saw . . ." The editor 
of the Harlem News, attempting to c la r i fy  the s i tua t ion ,  wrote that  
". .. . he is  a prominent sheep man of the B i t te r  Root Valley." "Not I
I Q
Wheeler, pp. 87-88; Connolly, The Devil Learns to Vote, p. 
298; Western News, January 24, 1911, p. I ;  James Leonard Bates, "Sena­
to r  Walsh of Montana, 1918-1924: A Liberal Under Pressure" (unpub­
lished Rh.D d is se r ta t ion ,  Chapel Hil l:  University of North. Carolina,
1952), p. 20; "Odds on Senators Posted in Butte," Western News, 
January 17, 1911, p. 4.
19
Diagnosis of a Complicated Case.
"Doctor--Mr. Carter , I find tha t  your heart is on the 
wrong side for the people of Montana, with strong 
symptoms of Amalgamated Fat Degeneration of your 
organs in The Record."
Montana Lookout, February 25, 1911, p. I.
20
exactly a sheep man, brother,"  came the r e to r t ,  "he simply got the 
goats of the other candidates.
The Montana Lookout portrayed the new senator as a "corporate 
influence cup id ," straddling a telephone wire interrupting connections 
between the people and the leg is la tu re .  Editor Murphy believed the. 
company arranged Myers' e lection to prevent Walsh from becoming sena­
tor .  Later, his suspicions confirmed to his sa t i s fac t ion ,  he reported 
tha t  the "Montana State house . . .
has no more re la t ion  to . . . [Myers] elect ion to the 
senate than i t  has to the coronation of King Edward, he is 
appealing more strongly to corporate and po l i t ica l  bosses 
in th is  s ta te  than to the people of the s t a te ,  and his. 
t a lk  is more Tike tha t  of a caged parrot  than of an informed ,j- 
and in te l l ig en t  representa tive of an enlightened constituency.
Historians s t i l l  a t t r ibu te  the elect ion of Myers to "machi­
nation of the company." Apparently company agents believed that  Myers 
elect ion would help defeat Senator Joseph M. Dixon, a Republican from 
Missoula, who would be up for reelection in two years. Dixon's pro­
gressive po l i t ica l  philosophy alienated both the company and President 
Taft ,  and he no longer held the pr iv ilege  of federal patronage. Dixon
^Ed.  Western News, March 10, 1911, p. 2.
^"Corporate  Influence Cupid," Montana Lookout, March 4, 1911, 
p. I ;  "How a Successor to Senator Carter was Chosen," as above, p. 4; 
"Senator Myers' Principles and Obligations as He Sees Them," March 18, 
1911,. p. T; "Montana Legislature and Reciprocity," May 6, 1911, p: 4.
21
I
M on tan a : W h y
d id n 't  v o  *i e le c t 
I J W a lsh  a n d  
p a s s  p r im a ry  e le c ­
tion  a n d  o th e r  im ­
p o r ta n t  l a w s  a s  
you  p rom is e d  >
M on tan a  L eg is ­
lature : S p eak  lo u d ­
er . p le a se . I c a n 't 
h e a r  you . T h e r e  
m ust h e  som ebody  
o n  th e  line
Somebo 01 the Pm » 1
"Montana: Why d idn ' t  you e lec t  I .  J.  Walsh and pass
primary election and other important laws as you 
promised?
Montana Legislature: Speak louder, please; I c an ' t
hear you. There must be someone on the l ine ."  
Montana Lookout, March 4, 1911, p. I.
22
moaned tha t  the in te res ts  chose a senator ". . . in my own back yard 
to make i t  embarrassing for me . .
Many newspaper editors c r i t ic ized  the assembly for  bungling
attempts a t  reforming the process of senatorial  nominations and for
i t s  choice of a senator. Yet the elect ion of Myers aside,  and despite
the consensus of c r i t i c s  and h is to r ians ,  the 12th Assembly was not
lacking in major progressive accomplishments. I t  passed a pure food
and drug law, established a State Tuberculosis San i to r iurn and a .Sta te
Insane Asylum, improved Boulder River School for the mentally retarded,
and provided for  the adoption of orphan children. I t s  laws to prevent
pollution of streams, to require sanita ry working conditions, and to 1
provide safety requirements in the manufacturing o.f toys for children
17are all  excellent  examples of the progressive s p i r i t  of leg is la t ion .
Yet the sess ion 's  fa i lu re  to deal adequately with pol i t ica l  
reform earned i t  a reputation tha t  his torians have fa i led  to repudiate. 
Most students of Montana history echo the sentiments of Jerre  Murphy, 
the assembly's prime antagonist.  Murphy would lead one to believe tha t  
even these progressive achievements resulted from carelessness rather . *
^ B a t e s , p . 21; Connolly, The Devil Learns To Vote, p. 298; 
Jules A. Karlin, Joseph M. Dixon of Montana. Part I : Senator and 
Bull Moose Manager 1867-1917 (Missoula: University of Montana Pub-
l ica t ions  in History, 1974), pp. 106-108.
■ 17For the fu l l  context of these and other laws, see Montana 
Governors' Papers. Legislative Se r ie s , Box 5, SI.
23
than in ten t .  He reported tha t  on the final day of the session the 
. members had so many personal irons in the f i r e  which had to be 
attended to tha t  they could not remain in th e i r  seats to consider b i l l s  
of in te res t  merely to the people of Montana." Meanwhile, he continued;
. . .  [a] perfect  horde of lobbyists . . . f i l l e d  the a i s le s ,  
lined the walls and occupied the seats  of members and guests . . . 
From 10 o'clock t i l  one the next morning, an hour a f t e r  the 
l eg i s la t ive  session had legally  ended, the same feverish, roaring 
mill of reckless leg is la t ion  was kept going a t  top speed . . . .  
perhaps not five p e r c e n t  of the members in e i ther  house even 
caught the numbers of the measures, much less the t i t l e s J 8
Even allowing for Murphy's f la re  for dramatic exaggeration, 
the l a s t  day of the session had to be a wild scene. Before those l a s t  
desperate moments leading to the e lection of Myers, the leg is la tu re  
passed 114 b i l l s  and dealt  with numerous more. Only 223 b i l l s  passed 
in the to ta l  session, showing tha t  more than half  came out of the final 
work day. But in a l l  fairness to the assembly, one must rea l ize  that  
no rule provided a cu t-off  date for introducing leg is la t ion .  Bills 
dropped continually into the hopper r igh t  up to and including that  
l a s t  day. S t i l l ,  the progressive laws passed by the 12th Assembly 
deserve special a t ten t ion  and in te rp re ta t ion .  Regardless of Murphy's 
account as to how the leg is la t ion  passed, only true progressives would
^8nHow Combines and Lobbyists Pass Laws in Montana," Montana 
Lookout, March. 11, 1911, p. 2.
24
have introduced such b i l l s ,  and the i r  work should be given prime con­
sideration in the study of the progressive era in Montana h i s t o r y . ^
Laws, Resolutions and Memorials of the State of Montana 
Passed a t  the Twelfth Regular Session of the Legislative Assembly 
1911 (Helena: independent Publishing Co., 1911); Senate Journal . . .
1911, p. 648
CHAPTER I I
THE ORGANIZATION OF THE PEOPLE'S POWER LEAGUE
Montana's independent presses responded to the l eg i s la tu re ' s  
fa i lu re  to achieve r e a l i s t i c  po l i t ica l  reforms by suggesting leg is ­
lat ion by i n i t i a t i v e .  The Montana Lookout reminded i t s  readers that  
po l i t ic ians  only claimed to support reform of the po l i t ica l  process 
because they owed th e i r  own positions to boss power. Yet, edi tor 
Murphy added, even the po l i t ic ians  can not afford to oppose a popular
movement to secure d i rec t  elect ion laws, for po l i t ic ians  need public
•*]
favor to stay in o ff ice .
Having committed i t s e l f  to leg is la t ion  by i n i t i a t i v e ,  the 
Western News proclaimed the " . . .  beginning of the end of corporate 
d ictat ion and corruption in Montana . . . .  The great Amalgamated . 
Anaconda copper t r u s t  will of necessity be re t i red  from po l i t i c s . "  As 
a means to th is  end. Miles Romney, a Democrat from Hamilton, organized 
a provisional or volunteer committee to draw up reform leg is la t ion  
and c ircu la te  i n i t i a t i v e  pe t i t ions  among the s t a t e ' s  voters .  This
^"Why Not a Primary Law by Direct Vote?" Montana Lookout, 
February 6, 1910, p. 4; "When Voters Retire the Bosses," Twin Bridges 
Monitor, as in Montana Lookout, March 25, 1911, p. 6; "Primary Election 
Law by Direct Vote,'1 Montana Lookout, April 1 , 1911, p. 4.
26
provisional committee evolved into the People's Power League of
2Montana.
Known as the "wheelhorse" of Ravalli Democratic party, Romney 
was characterized as . . one of the most e ffect ive  workers for pro­
gressive leg is la t ion"  even before he began his e f fo r t s  with the People's 
Power League. Formerly mayor of Hamilton and twice s ta te  senator, he 
brought both enthusiasm and experience to the League he fathered. And 
his grea tes t  a sse t ,  his Western News, kept public i ty  about the newly 
organized League constantly before his reading patrons. 2
2
"A Better Era Dawning," Western News, April 4, 1911, p. 2; 
"Text of Direct Primary Law Proposed by Provisional Committee to be 
Submitted Through the In i t i a t iv e  and Referendum," Western News,
April 7, 1911, p. I ;  "Program of the Provisional Committee of the 
People's Power League," as above, May 19, 1911, p. 4. Romney's 
enthusiasm was matched by the head-lines four columns wide.
^Secretary of Sta te ,  I n i t i a t i v e  Fi le ,  1911-1912, contains 
coverlets  printed by Romney l i s t i n g  the names of the organizational 
members and county representat ives.  The ident i ty  of these men has been 
determined as far  as possible within the following sources: M. A.
Leeson, History of Montana 1739-1885 (Chicago: Warner, Beers & Co.,
1885); Joaquin Mil ler ,  An I l lu s t ra ted  History of the State of Montana, 
(Chicago: Lewis Publishing Co., 1894); A Newspaper Reference Work:
Men of Affairs and Representative Ins t i tu t ions  of the State of Montana 
Butte Writer 's  Association (Butte: McKee Printing Co., 1914); North-"
western Gazetteer: Minnesota, North and South Dakota and Montana
Gazetteer and Business Directory 1912-13 (St. Paul: R. L. Polk, n . d . );
R. L. Polk, City Directory t i t l e  varies (Kansas City, Missouri: local
publishers , 1910-1915). Directories consulted include Anaconda, 
Bil l ings ,  Butte, Chinook, Deer Lodge, Fort Benton, Great Fal ls ,  Havre, 
Helena, Kal ispe l l , Lewistown, Livingston, Missoula-Hami I ton, and Miles 
City-Glendive-Forsyth; Progressive Men, of the State of Montana (Chicago: 
A. W. Bowen & Co., circa 1906); Robert George Raymer, Montana, The Land 
and the People 3 Vols. (Chicago and New York: Lewis Publishing Co.,
1930); Helen Fitzgerald Sanders, A History of Montana 3 Vols.
27
Three additional newspaper edi tors joined ranks with Romney to 
form the propaganda base of the provisional committee. In Great Falls 
Robert N. Sutherl in. Democrat and manager of the long established 
Rocky Mountain Husbandman, provided wide c ircula t ion of the i n i t i a t iv e  
plans among the farming element of the s ta te .  The well versed, cosmo­
politan English gentleman William K. Harber, a Republican, carr ied the 
news from Fort Benton in his River Press to residents of north-central 
Montana. Rounding out the po l i t ica l  spectrum Butte's  Soc ia l i s t  Mayor 
Lewis J.  Duncan disseminated information through the Butte Social is t
n
and l a t e r  the Montana S o c i a l i s t , which claimed state-wide c ircula t ion.
Progressive Jerre  Murphy also supported the provisional 
committee for i n i t i a t i o n ,  but never o f f i c i a l l y  joined the League. Due 
to financial d i f f i c u l t i e s  Murphy sold his Montana Lookout and even­
tual ly  sought employment in California.  Even there he continued his 
ba t t le  against corporate power in the s t a t e ' s  po l i t ic s  by publishing a 
book en t i t led  A Comical History of Montana. Before se l l ing  the Lookout *4
(Chicago and New York: Lewis Publishing Co., 1.913); Tom Stout,
Montana, I t s  Story and Biography 3 Vols. (Chicago and New York: 
American Historical Society, 1921).
4See also Frank Grant, "Rocky Mountain Husbandman: Embattled
Voice of the Montana Farmer," Montana the Magazine of Western History, 
XXIV (April, 1974), pp. 34-43; Montana Historical Library, Microfilm 
Collection, Records of the Socia l is t  Party of Montana, Terrance D. 
McGlynn, "Lewis J.  Duncan, Soc ia l is t :  The Man and His Work" (unpub­
lished a r t i c l e ,  April 19, 1969), 40pp.
28
Murphy advanced the cause of the provisional committee in an editor ia l  
which read in part:
There is nothing partisan about a primary election law.
Any good measure along th is  l ine  must work to destroy undue 
advantages for  public posit ion,  and necessarily  cannot work 
to the advantage of one po l i t ica l  party over any other.
The leas t  d i f f i c u l t  way and the most successful way to do 
. business will be by co-operation of progressive c i t izens  in 
a l l  part ies  in the work of c ircu la t ing  peti t ions  and supporting 
the measure a t  the pol ls .  . . . .  There is no Tack of harmony in 
purpose.' There should be no lack of harmony in performance.
The one thing needful is to get the law.5
In addition to these jou rna l is t s  of varied po l i t ica l  a f f i l ­
ia t ions on the provisional committee, members of the bench and bar 
from both major part ies  len t  th e i r  support. D is t r ic t  judges who joined 
were Sydney Fox of the 13th D is t r ic t  a t  Red Lodge; Edwin K. Cheadle,
Lewistown1s IOth D is t r i c t  judge and l a t e r  a major f igure in the 
Progressive Party; and Robert Lee McCullock, the Democratic 4th Distr ict  
judge from Hamilton.
The lawyers who helped Romney draw up the i n i t i a t i v e  leg is ­
la t ion and pe t i t ions  included Walter S. Hartman, a Bozeman Democrat 
who served as a member of both the Executive Board of the State Agri­
cultural  College and the State Board of Education, John F. Duffy 
joined the committee as a Soc ia l i s t  from Kali spel l .  He l a t e r  became *
Jerre  C. Murphy, A Comical History of Montana: A Serious
Story for  Free People (San Diego: E. L. Scofield, 1912); "Primary
Election Law by Direct Vote," Montana Lookout, April I , 1911, p. 4; 
Richard B. Roeder, "Who Was Jerre  Murphy?" Proceedings of the -Montana 
Academy of  Sciences, XXVI (1967), pp. 82-86.
29
a judge. Also on the committee were A. G. Hatch, Democrat from Big 
Timber and Thomas J. Walsh of Helena, the only senator to be elected 
under the provisions of the Everett b i l l ,  of the 1911 legislature.®
Other act ive committee members came from various professions. 
Edward Cardwell of Jefferson Island came to the t e r r i to ry  in 1863 as 
a prospector and ventured l a t e r  into mining, farming and stock rais ing.  
Always an act ive Democrat, Cardwell served in three t e r r i t o r i a l  l eg i s ­
la tu res ,  the constitutional  convention, and four terms as s ta te  sen­
a tor .  At the age of 81 he stood as a legend among the friends of 
popular government. Another Democrat, Tom Alexander of Forsyth, 
played an in te res t ing  role in the development of the t e r r i to ry .  He 
came west as a sold ier  and Indian f igh te r ,  l a t e r  went into mining and , 
then the c a t t l e  industry. Alexander founded the town of Forsyth where 
he bu i l t  a s to re ,  hotel and bank. Charles Wilson Chowing of Ennis, 
also a t e r r i t o r i a l  a r r iv a l ,  came to.Montana working for the Northern 
Pacific Railway. He served as State  Lands Inspector, managed the
®For additional information on Walter S. Hartman see: Montana
State University, Special Collections, Q.K. Club [Quest for Knowledge], 
Hartman delivered several addresses to the group which display i n t e l ­
ligence, wit ,  and iconoclasm. For additional information on Thomas J. 
Walsh see: J.  Leonard Bates, "Thomas J.  Walsh: His Genius for Contro­
versy," Montana the Magazine of Western History, XIX (October, 1969), 
pp. 2-15; James Leonard Bates, "Senator Walsh of Montana, 1918-1924:
A Liberal Under Pressure" (unpublished PH.D d is se r ta t ion .  Chapel Hil l:  
University of North Carolina, 1952).
30
Montana Cattle Company, and, in semi-retirement, ran a general store 
and post o ff ice .  William E. Nippert of Thompson joined the committee 
from the Republican Party. Nippert worked as clerk of the d i s t r i c t  
court ,  j u s t i c e  of the peace, and school master.
In addition to. showing a wide geographical and professional 
spread, committee volunteers also represented a varie ty  of party 
a f f i l i a t i o n s .  Republicans were leas t  represented, as conservatives 
within th is  party opposed the po l i t ica l  reforms the committee planned 
to i n i t i a t e .  Those who actually  joined may have endangered the i r  party 
standing. That the committee contained a larger  number of Democrats 
indicates greater  party acceptance of the issues. Also, Romney's call 
for volunteers na tura lly  a t t rac ted  many persons who were acquainted 
with him through the Democratic Party.
The People's Power League organized o f f i c i a l l y  on June 11, 1911. 
On tha t  date the provisional committee met in Deer Lodge with repre­
sentatives from the s t a t e ' s  labor unions. The labor leaders agreed 
to join  the League and give th e i r  support to the i n i t i a t i v e  campaign.
In re turn ,  they asked the League to help them in a. future election to 
i n i t i a t e  a workmen's compensation law, and to aid them in the i r  drive, 
for  a referendum on the Donohue Military Law passed by the 1911 leg is ­
la ture .
Union representa tives pledging th e i r  cooperation with the 
League were Max McCusker, Ed Carlton, James O'Leary and H. Jurner of
31
the Livingston Federated Railway Trades; D. J.  F i tspatr ick  of Missoula 
Federated Railway.Trades; Edward Suitor,  T. S. Brown,. Edward Thomas,
T. J.  Heron, Wolmer Hanson and Al Devine of the Deer Lodge Federated 
Railway Trades; W. S. Harter of Miles City, representing the workers 
of the Chicago, Milwaukee and Puget Sound Railway; Dan Leary and 
Andrew Mallon of the Anaconda Mill and Smeltermens Union; H. W. Nelson 
of the Billings Trades and Labor Council; Edward Shields of the Silver 
Bow Trades and Labor Council; Albert Michaud of the Miles City Trades 
and Labor Council; Phil Christian and Robert Squire of the Butte 
Miners Union; and Mortimer M. Donoghue and Oscar M. Par te low. President 
and Secretary respectively of the Montana State Federation of Labor. 
Others joining the League were W. J . •Dorrington of Chouteau and Charles
7
Dieter of Mondak. -
The voting strength of 25,000 union members p rac t ica l ly  
guaranteed the success of the People's Power League. Labor leaders 
had act ively  engaged in po l i t ic s  in the s ta te  for quite  some time. In 
the elect ion of .1906 the unions fought hard for the passage of the 
i n i t i a t i v e  and referendum amendment to the Constitution, and in 1908 
they became the f i r s t  group to attempt to l eg is la te  through i t s  7
7
"People's Power League Behind Big Campaign—State Labor 
Organizations Unite with Provisional Committee to Secure Reform 
Legislation . . . ," Western News, June 13, 1911, p. I ;  "PPL 
Organized," Si lver  State (Deer Lodge), June 14, 1911, p. I ;  "People's 
Power League," River Press , June 21, 1911, p. 5.
32
provisions. The unions, also increased the funds for League publici ty
by pledging financial support of $5 per union organization and $1 per 
8each union member.
At the League's f i r s t  meeting, a const i tut ion and se t  of by­
laws were drawn up, containing a statement of the organizat ion 's  
central purpose: ■
To secure by d i rec t  leg is la t ion  through the medium of the 
i n i t i a t i v e  and referendum such laws as may be essentia l  to 
the welfare of the People of Montana and to provide for a 
campaign of education. The principles of the i n i t i a t i v e  and 
referendum and recall apply to a l l  matters pertaining to the 
government of the organization.
The election of o ff icers  so l id i f ied  the bond between the
provisional committee and the labor unions. Appropriately, Miles
Romney was elected president, while Max McCusker of the Livingston
Federated Railway Trades was chosen secre tary- t reasurer .  An executive
committee consisted of one member from each county who was. responsible
for  c ircu la t ing  pe t i t ions  in his area.
One of the f i r s t  actions of the newly formed League was. to
support a referendum on the Donohue Military Law of the 1911 assembly.
This referendum movement had begun e a r l i e r  under the sponsorship of the
Montana State Federation of Labor. Now the unions asked. League support
to c i rcu la te  pe t i t ions  in the non-industrial portions of the s ta te .
Richard B. Roeder, "Montana In the Early Years of the Pro­
gressive Period," (unpublished Ph.D d is se r ta t ion .  University of Penn­
sylvania, 1971), pp. 150-152, 176; Secretary of Sta te ,  In i t i a t iv e  Files, 
1908.
33
Miles Romney, Hamilton, Montana. Founder and President 
of the People's Power League 1911-1915. Montana 
Historical Society Photograph.
.34
The founding members also discussed several proposals for
d i rec t  l eg is la t ion .  They wisely decided not to present too many b i l l s
in th e i r  f i r s t  campaign, as the s t a t e ' s  e lectorate  had no experience
with voting on i n i t i a t i v e  measures. They agreed tha t  the f i r s t
p r io r i ty  should be leg is la t ion  to reform the po l i t ica l  process. . The
members then voted to i n i t i a t e  four b i l l s :  a b i l l  for  d i rec t  election
of senators to replace the Everett b i l l  of "fake primary" law of the
12th Assembly; a b i l l  for primary elections to supersede the company-
influenced convention system of nominating party candidates; a b i l l  ■
cal l ing for a primary nomination election of presidentia l  and vice-
presidentia l  candidates; and a companion measure calculated to destroy
9company campaign corruption called the corrupt practices act .
Laws such as these, they believed, would supplant leg is la t ive  
blundering and the corruption and control of party conventions by 
special i n te r e s t s ,  and would place po l i t ica l  power into the hands of 
the people. I t  was hoped tha t  the government would be t ru ly  repre­
sentative once the people nominated and elected every o f f ic ia l  from 
the county court house to the White House. The representatives would 
act  in the best in te re s t  of the public, leg is la t ing  progressively to 
improve society. Democracy no longer would be the monopoly of a few
: g
"People's Power League Behind Big Campaign . . . ," Western 
News, June 13, 1911, p. I .
35
powerful or wealthy self-serving individuals or corporations, but 
would f u l f i l l  America's creed of a government by and for  the people.
The d i rec t  primary was not a new issue in Montana. Originally
the term primary referred to a meeting of county po l i t ica l  party
delegates convened to nominate candidates for local off ices  and choose
representatives to the s ta te  party conventions. The s ta te  conventions
nominated candidates for  s ta te  off ices  and chose delegates for the
national party convention. This method of selecting candidates
10excluded the voice of anyone outside the party hierarchy.
The problems of th is  nominating system can best be explained 
in terms of a 1901 law, passed to strengthen party control over the 
primaries. I t  l imited part ic ipa t ion  in the nominating process to 
delegates who promised to support the party in the general election. 
Anyone present a t  the county primary meeting was subject to the 
challenge of the party, and forced to swear his party allegiance 
before a judge. Any delegate falsely, swearing the oath could be 
sentenced to one to three years in the s ta te  penitent iary .  This law 
made party membership the equivalent of a s t r a i t  j a c k e t . ^  *1
^Roeder, "Montana In the Early Years of the Progressive 
Period," p. 130.
11Laws, Resolutions and Memorials of the State of Montana 
Passed a t  the Seventh Regular Session of the Legislative Assembly 1901. 
(Helena: State Publishing Co., 1901), p. 115. ,
36
Bills  for  a d i rec t  primary as we use the term today were in t ro ­
duced in the leg is la tu res  of 1901, 1903, and 1905. In both 1903 and 
1905 Governor Joseph K. Toole urged passage of a d i rec t  primary in his
I p
State of the State message. In 1905 the primary election became law.
This was a legi timate primary law, but i t  contained many imper­
fections.  The law was.optional on a local basis , r e s t r i c ted  to c i ty  
or county use, and could be implemented only through peti t ions of the 
e lectors .  According to contemporary c r i t i c s ,  "the primary tended to 
discriminate against  rural voters ,"  as the elections fe l l  during 
harvest time when farmers could not leave th e i r  f ie lds  to vote. A 
party in the minority also t r ied  to take undue advantage of the other 
by nominating only one candidate for each o f f ice ,  then crossing party 
lines to nominate the weakest candidate for the opposition. Those 
against  th is  pa r t icu la r  act  labeled i t  a ". . . t r i c k  . . . a pretense 12
12House Journal of the Seventh Session of the Legislative 
Assembly of the State of Montana 1901 (Helena: State Pub l i sh ingCo.,
1901), HBl0, pp. 9, 150, HBl85, pp. 236, 256; Senate Journal of the 
Seventh Session of the Legislative Assembly of the State of Montana 
1901 (Helena: State Publishing Co., 1901). SB66, pp: 56, 86; Senate
Journal of the Eighth Regular and Extraordinary Sessions of the 
Legislative Assembly of the State of Montana 1903 (Helena: State
Publishing Co., 1903), HB201, pp. 152, 185, HB269, pp. 175, 185;
House Journal of the Ninth Regular Session of the Legislative Assembly 
of the State of Montana 1905 (Helena: State Publishing Co., 1905),
HBl36, pp. 115, 367-368; HB271, pp. 252, 345, HB256, pp. 239, 311, 
SB79, pp. 350; Laws, Resolutions and Memorials of the State of Montana 
Passed a t  the NThth Regular Session of the Legislative Assembly 1905" 
(Helena: State  Publishing Co., 1905), pp. 108-2)5; Roeder, "Montana
In the Early Years of the Progressive Period," pp. 108-198.
37
to carry out the solemn promises . . . , " a n d  complained of the added 
expense involved in two campaigns which favored the wealthy p o l i t i ­
c ian s .13 *
In sp i te  of the fac t  that  the Democratic,Republican, Populist 
and Labor part ies  a l l  favored the d irec t  primary elect ion in the i r  
platforms of 1906, the 1907 leg is la tu re  chose to repeal rather  than 
amend the measure. The friends o f . the  d i rec t  primary were so angered 
by i t s  repeal tha t  they pressured the 1909 session to revive i t .  A 
House b i l l  for  the measure passed, but the Senate refused to consider 
i t .  Senator Miles Romney t r ied  to save the b i l l ,  and f a i l in g ,  in t ro ­
duced another in the Senate, only to see i t  die in committee. Attempts
"I A
also fa i led  to appoint a committee to study primary leg is la t ion .
In his 1911 State of the State message Governor Edwin L. Norris 
requested a primary law tha t  included the off ice  of senator. A b i l l  
containing both primary elect ions and d i rec t  elect ions of U. S. sen­
ators fur ther  confused the issue, there  were too many versions
"I O
Roeder, "Montana In the Early Years of the Progressive Period" 
pp. 130-132.
"I A
Ibid, pp. 177-178; House Journal of the Tenth Session of the 
Legislative Assembly of the State of Montana 1907 (Helena! State ~ 
Publishing Co., 1907), HB245, pp. 197, 577; Laws, Resolutions and 
Memorials of the State of Montana Passed a t  the tenth Regular Session 
of the Legislative Assembly 1907 (Helena: State Publishing Co., 1907),
p. 108; Senate Journal of the Eleventh Session of the Legislative 
Assembly of the State of Montana 1909 (Helena: Independent Publish!ng
Co., 1909), HB26, pp. 33, 193-196, SB104, pp. 203, 298, HJRll, pp. 2T2, 
279.
38
for Democrats, Republicans, conservatives and progressives to agree on 
Separate b i l l s  appeared to sa t i s fy  each faction but only the Everett 
primary—dealing with senators,  as discussed in Chapter !--passed into
TC
law. The s ta te  s t i l l  had no d i rec t  primary.
While the leg is la tu re  batt led over versions of primary and 
senatorial  nomination b i l l s ,  the Western News argued that
■. . . popular election of United States senators is 
important, yet representa tive government a t  home is  vastly 
more e ssen t ia l—and th is  can be. secured in . this  t r u s t  bound 
s ta te  only through the nomination of all  public o f f ic ia l s  
by d i rec t  vote.
Other editors echoed Romney's sentiments regarding the d irec t  primary. 
The Chester Signal believed tha t  "the d irec t  primary method of 
se lecting county off icers  was the nearest  [to] perfect  tha t  has yet 
been devised." And one of the e a r l i e s t  advocates of election reform, 
the River Press , favored the d irec t  primary.because i t  ". . . places 
pol i t ica l  power in the hands of the people, whose vote and influence 15
15"Work of the Montana Legislature in Opening Week," Montana 
Lookout, January 7, 1911, p. 2; Senate Journal of the Twelfth Session 
of the Legislative  Assembly of the State of Montana 1911 (Helena: 
Independent Publishing Co., 1911), SB2, pp. 7, 200, SB200, pp. 555, 
559; House Journal of the Twelfth Session of the Legislative Assembly 
of the State of Montana 1911 (Helena: Independent Publishing Co.,
1911), HBl, pp 16, 453, HB36, , pp. 40, 145; K. Ross Toole, "Rebuttal: 
When Is a Reform a Reform?" Montana the Magazine of Western History 
XX (Autumn, 1970), p. 27, says the Anaconda Company fought the direc t  
primary "tooth and na i l . "  He must be referr ing to a c t iv i ty  within 
the leg is la tu re  tha t  prevented the passage of an e ffec t ive  primary law 
The company did not f igh t  openly against  the in i t i a ted  primary law, 
except perhaps to avoid discussion of the League's proposals in i t s  . 
presses.
I39
cannot be. controlled or traded by schemers who frequently directed the
- 16 proceedings of the old-time conventions." i
Judging from party platforms,newspapers ed i to r ia l s  and l e t t e r s  
to the. leg i s la tu re ,  the majority of Montanans desired a d irec t  election 
primary, and most people believed public nomination of candidates would 
decrease the po l i t ica l  dominance of the Anaconda company. The real 
question then, was what type of primary law would best serve the 
in te res t  of the voters. When the People's Power League took up th is  
issue several laws from other s ta tes  were studied as models.
The League chose to model i t s  i n i t i a t i v e  a f t e r  the Oregon law 
drafted by William S. U1 Ren, which was the most popular model in the 
country. Oregon's law provided tha t  voters s ta te  th e i r  party pref­
erence to the clerk and recorder when regis ter ing  to vote. This system 
is  called the "closed" primary. The Wisconsin primary law differed in 
tha t .vo ters  never recorded th e i r  party preference. Many League members, 
pa r t icu la r ly  those of the wage earning c la ss ,  believed party secrecy to 
be extremely important. Due to the large measure of support the unions *
I®"A Fake Primary Won'J  Go," Western News, February 17, 1911, 
p. 4; "Convention System In Prac t ice , '1 Chester Signal, as in Montana 
Lookout, September 24, 1910, p. 6; "Direct Primary. Elections,". River 
Press, as in Roeder, "Montana In. the Early Years of the Progressive 
Period," pp. 108, 131. .
40
offered', the League chose to adopt th is  "open" system of r eg i s t r a ­
t ion.
The Anaconda Company with i t s  subsidiary power and lumbering 
a c t iv i t i e s  employed more men in the s ta te  than any other concern. The 
laboring men feared tha t  party a f f i l i a t i o n  would be a determining 
fac tor  in finding and holding jobs. Their concern may have been well 
founded. In March of 1912 the company f i red  350 miners allegedly on 
the grounds tha t  they were Socia l is ts  and refused to ". . . renounce 
th e i r  po l i t i c s  and withdraw from the s o c ia l i s t  club." Many of these 
men reportedly held responsible posi tions and had worked several years 
for  the company. I f  a "closed" system forced voters to disclose the i r  
party preference, the reg is t ra t ion  books would be open for examination. 
Many workers would be afra id  to r eg i s te r ,  for party a f f i l i a t i o n  could 
be used by corporate in te res ts  to determine th e i r  hiring and f i r ing  of
I O
employees.
The League's "open" system of reg is t ra t ion  drew more opposition 
than th e i r  other in i t i a t i v e s  of 1912. Party puri ty ,  part iculary  to the 17
17"People's Power League Behind Big Campaign . . . ," Western 
News, June 13, 1911, p. I .  The terms "open" and "closed" primary are 
often confused in the reporting of the period. For c l a r i t y  the present 
usage and meaning will be maintained in th is  paper.
IR"Butte Miners Vote Down Str ike ,"  Western News, April 2, 1912, 
p. 4. Most miners were not prepared to sacr i f ice  t h e i r  incomes to 
stand up-for o thers '  po l i t ica l  r igh ts ,  but the 1,121 votes to s t r ike  
against the company's actions shows some measure of sympathy for the 
discharged miners.
\
41
Republicans, overrode any concern for the laboring men. The Republican 
Picket of Red Lodge complained tha t  in the open primary.
. . . men of opposing po l i t ica l  views, democrats, 
s o c i a l i s t s ,  anarchis ts ,  populis ts ,  or men of any other 
party could demand ballo ts  a t  the republican primary 
e lec t ion ,  and no way would ex is t  to prevent them using 
those ba l lo ts .
The P icket 's  main objection seemed to be against  the People's 
Power League provision of the open primary, yet the ed i to r  opposed 
public nomination of any kind. He wrote tha t  even in a closed primary 
voters would r eg i s te r .a s  Republicans in order to ". . . de f i le  the i r  
t i c k e t , "  then vote as Democrats or Soc ia l is ts  in the general elect ion. 
The e d i to r ' s  opinion of the voting populace of the s ta te  conditioned 
his stand against  any kind of primary election:
I t  is an easy matter for a man with lax principles and 
e l a s t i c  sense of moral obligations to declare himself a 
republican or a democrat a t  the primary then vote the opposite 
t icke t  a t  the regular  e lection.  Only he himself, and he alone 
need know how he voted when sheltered by the privacy and 
sanct i ty  of the voting booth. How is  the law to reach a man 
who thus s t u l t i f i e d  himself? How is he to be punished under 
the law; where is the proof to be had tha t  he did not vote 
■ the same a t  both e le c t io n s? ^
Writing for the People's Power League Robert M. LaFollette 
responded to the objections of c r i t i c s  of the d i rec t  primary. His 
fa i th  in the people expressed generally progressive views towards the 
s t a t e ' s  voters:
IQ
"Direct Primary Only a Farce." Republican Picket, April 4, 
1912, p. 6.
There has grown up in high places a scorn and contempt 
for the plain c i t izen .  I t  has become common to re fe r  to 
the people as a "mob" and to the people's rule as the "rule 
of the mob."
Constitutions and s ta tu tes  and a l l  the complex de ta i l s  of 
government are but the instruments created by the c i t izen  for 
the orderly execution of his w i l l .  Whenever and wherever . 
they f a i l , they will be so changed as to make them effect ive  
to execute and express the well-considered judgement of the 
c i t izen .
For over and above const i tu t ions and s ta tu te s ,  the greater 
than a l l ,  the supreme sovereignty of the people! This is the 
people's government. They will not destroy i t .  They will not 
permit organized privilege to destroy i t s  v i ta l  pr inciple .
They will res tore  and forever preserve i t  as government that  
shall be t ru ly  representative of the people.20
,42
A desire for presidentia l and vice presidentia l primaries 
inspired the th ird  i n i t i a t i v e  the League submitted to the people. The 
e lectorate  of Montana never had an opportunity to voice i t s  choice of 
a presidentia l  nominee. Under the exis ting system a s ta te  party 
caucus chose and instructed the delegates to the national convention. 
Caucus members often echoed the desire of special in te res ts  within the 
s ta te  when choosing th e i r  candidate. The League's i n i t i a t i v e  was 
designed to obtain the expression of a popular choice in . ins t ruc t ing  
delegates to the national convention.
The 1892 Populist platform endorsed popular election of the 
president , by-passing the s ta te  caucus and the e lectoral  college. Yet, *8
on
^"Written Exclusively for the People's Power League of Montana 
by Senator Robert M. LaFollette of Wisconsin," Western News, September
8, 1911, p. 4.
in-variance with the 'pa t te rn  typical of other Populist pol i t ica l  
reforms, the older,  established part ies  ignored th is  issue. Within 
the next two decades only five s ta tes  gave the i r  e lec tora te  a d i r e c t . 
voice in nominating presidentia l contenders. Oregon led the way in . 
1910, although her provisions s t i l l  maintained the electoral,  college 
in tac t .  Onlya  national movement could remove th is  archaic vestige 
of p r iv i leged  ru le ,  as i t  was unlikely tha t  the established part ies 
would be wil ling to loosen th e i r  grasp on p res iden t ia l . selection.
The River, Press viewed presidentia l  preference ". . . the. 
newest thing in. l eg i s la t ion ,"  and hoped Montana would join  the leaders
pi
of th is  reform. The most a r t i cu la te  support for th is  in i t i a t iv e  
came from Senator Jonathan Bourne of Oregon, who addressed the League 
in October of 1911. According to Bourne, the "federal machine" would 
have no power to perpetuate i t s e l f  i f  the people, ra ther  than the 
party bosses, chose the presidentia l nominees. Nor could a president 
hand pick his successor as did Theodore Roosevelt. Each candidate . 
would have to demonstrate his own a b i l i ty  to gain popular acceptance.
And most importantly, preference primaries would rel ieve " . . .  p res i ­
dents of any obligation to po l i t ica l  bosses, campaign contr ibutors, .
^ Kathleen Hendricks, "The People's Party of Montana 1892-1893," 
(unpublished seminar report ,  Montana State University, 1974), p. 10; • 
"Presidential Primaries," Kalispell Bee, October 10, 1911, p. 5/, "For 
Direct Primaries," River Press, October 4, ,1911, p. 5; "P re fe ren t ia l . 
Primaries," June .26, T912, p. 2.
44
national delegates or individuals--thus t ransferr ing the obligation 
from any known individual to the composite c i t izen ,  where i t  belongs
The "Cousin Jack" editors of the Tribune Review, Butte's 
cornish newspaper, favored presidentia l preference because they.thought 
i t  would ". . . compel the enactment of primary laws" for all  public 
off ices .  They were more skeptical of i t s  success, however, fearing 
that  Republican and Democratic leaders would f igh t  to prevent the free 
expression of the people. Conservatives preferred, according to the 
ed i to rs ,  ". . . manipulating to su i t  th e i r  purposes. This means . . . 
[they] intend to force on the people candidates of t h e i r  own choice, 
feeling confident tha t  i f  they nominate them, the people will have to 
e lec t  them.1,23
The ba t t le  between William Howard Taft and Theodore Roosevelt 
for  the Republican nomination focused greater  national a t tent ion on the 
issue of presidentia l preference primaries. Many party members of the 
progressive wing believed Roosevelt was the people's choice. Once the 
Taft machine renominated the president,  the Roosevelt or progressive 
wing s p l i t  o ff  into a th i rd  party. These Progressives, as they called
22"Senator Bourne Praises People's Power League," Western News, 
October 17, 1911, p. 4.
23llPreferential  Primaries," Tribune Review, June 29, 1912, p. 4.
45
themselves, believed tha t  a presidentia l  primary would have blocked 
Taf t 's  candidacy.^
The Republican Picket again took the lead in opposing pres i ­
dential preference primaries. The edi tor  alleged tha t  such a primary 
would t o ta l ly  "demoralize", the Republican party because members of 
other part ies  could choose the Republican candidate. Expressing his 
typica l ly  conservative point of view, the editor  went on to say:
Presidential primaries conducted on anything l ike  the 
system in vogue, are not only farc ia l  but disgraceful to 
all  concerned is  evident to everyone save the demogogue 
who howls " le t  the people ru le ,"  meaning his kind of people, 
of course.
The edi tor  was of the opinion tha t  presidentia l primary leg is la t ion  
was 11. . . not a c red i t  to tha t  wisdom which the American people are 
presumed to possess. . . . The idea is r ig h t ,  but the method of placing 
i t  in operation is  rotten from the ground up."
The. Great Falls Tribune agreed tha t  cer tain problems did exis t  
with the proposed presidentia l  primary, but the editor  continued to 
support the i n i t i a t i v e .  He answered c r i t i c s  complaints concerning the
24. " 'Progressive Republicans' Conference in Bill ings Results in 
Forming Organization," River Press, February 28, 1912, p. I ;  "Dixon 
Makes Protest--Caustic  Criticism of Action Taken by Republican Com­
mit tee," March 27, 1912, p. I ;  "The People Must Rule," March 13, 1912, 
p. 4; "Primaries August 24--Convention 26," Western News, August 9, 
1912, p. I .
25 "Presidential Primary Impossible in Montana," Republican 
Picket , March 28, 19T2, p. 9; "A Disgraceful Farce," May 23, 1912, p. 4.
expense of two campaigns by explaining tha t  the corrupt practices act
would make both campaigns less cost ly  than the single one of previous 
26years.
'4 6
. Members of the People's Power League were determined to invest 
full  po l i t ica l  power in the.hands of the people by giving them the 
r ight  to nominate a l l  candidates for po l i t ica l  off ice  from the pres i ­
dency to the county l e v e l . But in order to prevent special influence 
from undermining tha t  power during an elect ion campaign, a fourth 
i n i t i a t i v e ,  the corrupt practices a c t ,  was imperative.
Montana's f i r s t  corrupt practices act  came out of the 3rd 
Assembly of 1,893. The law prohibited leg is la to rs  from accepting bribes, 
bargaining or trading support for proposed leg is la t ion .  At Governor
John E. Rickards' suggestion, the following session extended the law
27to cover elect ions and campaign expenses.
The law appeared to have very l i t t l e  impact. For one thing, 
there were no provisions r e s t r i c t ing  campaign expenses or pol i t ica l
26"Blaming the Primary," Great Falls  Tribune, as in River 
Press , August 21, 1912, p. 2.
27Laws, Resolutions and Memorials of the State  of Montana 
Passed a t  the Third Regular Session of the Legislative Assembly 1893 
(Butte City: Intermountain Publishing Co., 1893). p. 44; House ~ 
Journal of the Fourth Session of the Legislative Assembly of the 
State of Montana 1895 (Helena: State Publishing Co., 1895). HB20,
pp. 7, 11, 299.
contributions. Assessing the problem, the Terry Tribune stated that  
campaigns were conducted by . . simply the opening of a b a r re l , and 
sowing the s ta te  from one end to the other with corruption money--the 
la rges t  barrel winning in the end." This extravagant campaigning 
prevented the election of any but the wealthy or those supported by .
OO
special in te re s t s .
During th is  time several s ta te s  were experimenting with corrupt 
practice laws which permitted the League to study them and se lec t  the 
type most su i tab le  for  Montana. New York had i t s  Hughes Publicity Law 
that  limited campaign expenses and prohibited corporations from con­
tr ibu t ing .  The desired e ffec t  was lo s t ,  however, as private  contr i ­
butions were not limited. A corporate o f f ic ia l  could finance a cam­
paign personally, thus buying the services of a public off ice  holder. 
The Progressive platform in Wisconsin proposed a more s t r ingent  law.
I t  would require tha t  all  contributions and expenditures be accounted 
for  and made public, including the names of the donors. The proposal
also provided th a t . th e  personal qua l i f ica t ions  of a ll  o f f ice  seekers
29be made public prior  to primary and general elections.
The corrupt practices act  i n i t i a t ed  by the League placed l imits  
on both campaign expenses and contributions to any one candidate.
28"Editor ia l ,  Terry Tribune, as in Montana Lookout, February 5, 
1910, p. 6.
29Ed i to r ia l , Montana Lookout, November 12, 1910., p. 2.
48
According to Romney the act  would " . . .  protect the puri ty  of the 
ba l lo t  . . by eliminating bribery money, and would inform the voters 
as to who contributed to each candidates campaign. This, he believed, 
would e ffec t ive ly  keep the company from contributing heavily to buy an 
off ice  holder, or make the public so aware tha t  they would not vote for 
a company supported candidate. Romney believed the law had "real 
teeth ," ,  and would provide equal opportunit ies for a l l  desiring election, 
whether poor or mil l ionaire .  Oregon Senator Bourne praised especially 
the i n i t i a t i v e ' s  provisions for an information pamphlet mailed from the 
secretary of s ta te  to each voter p r io r  to an, election:
The public i ty  pamphlet provided for by the corrupt prac­
t ices  act affords a l l  candidates, for  nomination or election 
equal means of presenting before the voter th e i r  views of 
public questions, and protects  the honest candidate against 
the misuse of money in po l i t ica l  campaigns. Under the oper­
ation of th is  law popular verdicts  will be based upon ideas, 
not money; argument, .not abuse; p r inc ip les ,  not boSs and
machine d i c t a t i o n .30
The l a s t  measure presented by the League was a referendum on 
the Donohue Military Law passed by the 12th Assembly. Daniel J.  Dono­
hue, a Dawson County Democrat, submitted the l eg is la t ion .  Donohue, a 
surgeon and president of the Samafatan Hospital in 61 endive, was■also a
uilText of Corrupt Practices Act Designed to Limit Campaign 
Expenses," Western News, April 14, 1911, p. 2; "The Corrupt Practices 
Act," February 21, 1913, p . 2; "Senator Jonathan Bourne Praises . 
People's Power. League,". October 17, 1911, p. 4.
49
major in .the s ta te  m i l i t i a .  His b i l l  was apparently a re-codification
of mil i ta ry  laws, an attempt to conform with the federal or Dick
Military Law. The law provided exceptionally l iberal  powers under
which the governor could mobilize the. national guard. I t  also required
counties to build armories a t  t h e i r  own expense, while the s ta te  stood
the cost of pay and provisions for the m i l i t i a  when called into active
service. All male residents from age 18 to 4.5 could be cal led to
31serve for  up to three years.
The Montana State Federation of Labor and the United Railway 
Trades immediately expressed opposition to the law as an excessive tax 
burden and as a measure repressing union or labor movements. Labor 
leaders feared tha t  i f  a s t r ike  became necessary to secure workingmen's 
demands, the governor would call a ll  s t r ik e r s  into the m i l i t i a ,  appoint 
the employers as m i l i t i a  o f f ice rs ,  and force labor to break i t s  own 
s t r ik e .  Thus labor organizations in terpreted the law as a conspiracy 
of the company to control th e i r  employees. Their leaders complained 
to the Western News tha t  the Donohue b i l l  ". . . was dictated from 
No. 26 Broadway, New York, a t  the behest of the head o f f i c i a l s  of the 
Anaconda Copper Mining Company.1 The provisions of the law, they 
believed, were an employer's weapon to subjugate and punish the
House Journal . . . 1911, HB 220, pp. 235, 805.
50
workingmen. Max McCusker, the League's secretary,  defined the law as 
special c lass leg is la t ion :
. . . law abiding c i t izens  of the s ta te  who pay the taxes 
and don't  need m il i ta ry  protection must pay a tax to protect 
Amalgamated Copper tha t  never kept a law i t  could break or 
paid a cent of taxes i t  could evade.32
As noted e a r l i e r ,  a t  i t s  organizational meeting the League 
agreed to help the unions secure referendum pet i t ion  signatures on the 
m il i ta ry  law.. President Romney rose . to  the occasion with a sa t i r i ca l  
report  tha t  Montana was aspiring to become a "new world power":
Among the new mil i ta ry  powers tha t  loom upon the world 
horizon and must be reckoned with in future international  
re la t ions  is  our own home s ta te  of Montana. With mil i ta ry  
laws as exacting as those of Germany and Russia she aspires 
to a place in the galaxy of world powers.
Using the old t a c t i c  of argumentum ad horrendum, the Western News
reasoned tha t  with a l l  the men in the m i l i t i a  and a l l  the women in the
Red Cross, there would be no one l e f t  to carry on the normal business
of earning a l iv ing .  There would be no production or incomes to
support the m i l i t i a .  In short ,  Montana and her c i t izens  would soon be 
33bankrupt.
Reviewing the s i tua t ion  more seriously, Romney recalled tha t  
the miners'and smeltermens' contracts  with Anaconda expired the
 ^ "Union Men Don't Like State Mil i t ia  B i l l , "  Kalispell Bee, 
April 11, 1911, p. I ;  "Militia Law Tyrannical Say State  Labor Unions," 
Western News, June 16, 1911, pp. I ,  4.
^"Montana, New World Power," Western News, June 20, 1911 p. 2.
51
following year. I f  trouble arose in reaching a new agreement and the 
company could secure the m i l i t ia  to suppress opposition, i t  would have ' 
the upper hand in contract  de libera t ions .  Up to th is  time Montana had 
managed to escape the industr ia l  violence tha t  f lared elsewhere. Yet, 
fearing tha t  the du t -o f -s ta te  company owners were se t t ing  the scene to 
" s ta r t  something," Romney conjured up memories of the bloody labor 
s t r i f e  a t  Cripple Creek, j e l l u r id e ,  and Coeur d' Alene.3^
. The Montana State Federation, of Labor began c ircula t ing  p e t i ­
t ions for. the referendum on the Donohue mil i ta ry  law to prevent.any 
such company power play. Two months l a t e r  the. unions joined the League 
and the People's Power League carr ied  pe t i t ions  for the referendum also. 
The union men drew no obvious opposition to the i r  e f fo r t s .  Most news- . 
papers, gave the pe t i t ioners  the i r  support,  or a t  l eas t  benevolent 
neu tra l i ty .  Romney held the idea th a t ,  " I t  cer tain ly  will do no harm to. 
have i t  voted upon, if. the people approve the law, they can so declare 
by th e i r  votes; i f  they do not want i t  in the s ta tu tes  they can nu l l i fy  
i t . "  The value of a referendum on the mil i ta ry  law, as he saw i t ,  was
52
to make the public aware of i t s  existence,  allowing i t s  "merits and 
demerits" to be a i r e d .^  '
Although the People's Power League joined the referendum move­
ment l a t e ,  i t  had the necessary representation of volunteers in every 
county to secure pe t i t ion  signatures. The League's espousal of the 
referendum proved more than ju s t  a half-hearted e f fo r t  to gain labor 's  
support for the i n i t i a t i v e  campaign. League President Romney presented 
the f i r s t  pe t i t ions  to the secretary of s ta te  for t h i s ,  Montana's f i r s t  
referendum. On June.30, only three weeks a f t e r  the o f f ic ia l  organi­
zation of the League, the Western News edi tor  punned tha t  Ravalli 
County f i red  the " . . .  opening gun against  [the] mil i ta ry  law . . ." 
The Ravalli pe t i t ions  delivered to Helena contained 500 signatures, 
or nearly 50 percent of the country's regis tered voters.
In less than three months the League completed the peti t ion 
dr ive, assuring the s t a t e ' s  f i r s t  referendum on the ba l lo t  of 1912.
The union men of 1911 placed great importance on the referendum of a 
law they believed threatened th e i r  rela t ionship  with the company. In
"Union Men Don't Like State Mil i t ia  B i l l , "  Kalispell Bee, 
April 11, 1911, p. I ;  "The Referendum--Why Not?" Western News, June 
13, 1911, p. 2; see also "Montana New World Power," River Press , 
August 9, 1911, p.. 4; "Referendum Mil i t ia  Law," September 6, 1911, 
p. I ;  "To Invoke Referendum on the Mil itary Law," Republican Picket , 
April 27, 1911, p. I .
.^"Opening Gun Against Mil itary Law . . . ," Western News, 
June 30, 1911, p. I .
53
Montana's po l i t ica l  history the event is  noteworthy in tha t  the 1906 
law providing for  referendum was f in a l ly  put to use. .
For quite  sometime Montanans had complained about corporate 
power and the Anaconda control of the l eg is la tu re .  In the election of 
1906 the voters passed a constitut ional  amendment providing for the 
i n i t i a t i v e  and referendum as a means of combating corporate dominance. 
The I & R was a public issue since the Populist days of 1892. Yet the 
value of the amendment remained to be tes ted .  I t  was one thing to 
complain of corporate power and quite  another to do something about i t  
The company agents and party bosses may have passed off  the People's 
Power League as but a rumble in the distance. But the placing of a 
referendum in the general elect ion of 1912, the f i r s t  real exercise of
OO
the power of the people through the I & R, could not be ignored.
37"Referendum to be Tried for the F i r s t  Time in the History of 
Montana," Helena Independent, September 5, 1911, p. 5; "Referendum 
Papers Filed With Secretary," Kalispell Bee, September 5, 1911, p. 5.
38Laws, Resolutions and Memorials . . . 1907, . pp. 116-125; 
House Journal of the Third Session of the Legislative Assembly of the 
State of Montana 1893 (Butte City: Intermountain Publishing Co.,
1893), pp. 201. 216, 308.
CHAPTER I I I
DELAYS, TRIALS, FRUSTRATIONS
Securing pe t i t ion  signatures for a referendum on the Donohue 
Military Law tested the eff iciency of the People's Power League's 
state-wide organization. Within a short time Romney prepared and 
printed the pe t i t ion  forms for the i n i t i a t i v e  measures. The League's 
press representa t ives gave public i ty  to the pet i t ion  drive and prepared 
the voters to face the issue in the 1912 election.  But the peti t ions 
were not circula ted immediately. .
The League leaders postponed th e i r  campaign when Governor Edwin 
Norris proposed a special session of the leg is la tu re  to deal only with 
a primary law. In preparation for the session the governor appointed a 
special committee to draw up an appropriate primary b i l l  to submit to 
the assembly. The six man committee was composed of three senators and 
three representatives who equally represented both major part ies .  The 
governor thought tha t  i f  th is  b i-par t isan group could decide on a
2
primary b i l l  opposition to i t  from the leg is la tu re  would be unlikely.
This special committee met in Helena on June 5, 1911, one week 
before the League organized in Deer Lodge. The committeemen agreed to 12
1
Interview: Miles Romney, J r . ,  May 2, 1975.
2"Norris Wants Primary B i l l , "  Helena Independent, March 4, 1911, 
p. 3; "To Put the Primary Election. Question Directly to Lawmakers.," 
Montana Lookout, May 2 0 , .1911, p. I.
•55
a b i l l  modeled on the Oregon primary plan. According to the governor's
instruct ions they mailed copies of the proposed primary to each member
of the leg is la tu re .  The governor requested each member to submit in
writing his approval of th is  b i l l .  Norris announced tha t  he would call
the special session only i f  a majority of the leg is la to rs  responded 
3favorably.
Once the committee completed i t s  work and presented the primary 
b i l l  to the governor and leg i s la t ive  members, the s t a t e ' s  t rad i t iona l ly  
pro-primary newspaper editors divided over the idea of the special 
session and the b i l l ' s  provisions. The Missoulian approved of the 
governor's use of the committee as the quickest method of dealing with 
the assembly. Senator Joseph M. Dixon, who would be up for re-election 
in 1913 and stood a be t te r  chance of retaining his seat  through a 
primary nomination, opt imis t ica l ly  reported that :
Governor Norris has the grea tes t  opportunity of his. l i f e  
to follow in Woodrow Wilson's steps and convene the l eg is la tu re ,  
thus putting the question of d i rec t  elect ions squarely up to the 
leg is la tu re  so tha t  the people would know who is  and who is not 
responsible for  the defeat of the measure. The cost is a mere 
bagatel le  compared with the tremendous public good tha t  would 
follow.4 *4
^.Governor's Roll Call of the Legislature," Montana Lookout,
May 20, 1911, p. 4, Murphy credi ts  Sam Gordon and the Miles City Daily 
Journal with the idea for a special session; "Primary Election LawTn 
Rocky Mountain Husbandman, June 29, 1911, p. I ;  E d i to r i a l , Montana 
Lookout, May 20, 1911, p. I .
4 ■ .
"Favors Direct Primary," Missoulian as in River Press,
April 19, 1911, p. 2.
56
William K. Harber, League member and editor  of the River Press , 
favored the special session pa r t icu la r ly  since he preferred, the "closed" 
primary of the Oregon law. Harber believed tha t  the closed primary 
would best keep party organizations in tac t .  His main concern was that  
quibbling over the open and closed system would lead to the defeat of 
any primary. Another League member Robert N. Sutherl in of the Rocky 
Mountain Husbandman a t  f i r s t  complained of the cost of an extra session, 
but l a t e r  decided the money would be spent wisely i f  primaries could be
C
held prior  to the 1912 general e lection.
Without committing himself to a stand on the special primary 
b i l l  ed i tor  Jerre  Murphy noted tha t  the governor stretched his exec­
utive prerogative a b i t  by forcing a commitment from the . leg is la to rs  
before the session assembled. Murphy also f e l t  tha t  any measure pre­
pared without the part ic ipa t ion  of leg is la to rs  from the four most 
populous counties would not receive enough support to pass .6
Always in opposition to any measure labeled progressive,
Thomas E. Butler,  editor  of the Republican Picket , claimed to believe 
in the idea of d i rec t  e lect ion ,  but did not approve of any Such laws 
in existence. Butler saw no . . crying demand for an extra
6llTricky Po l i t ic ians ,"  River Press , July 12, 1911, p. 4; 
Ed ito r ia l ,  Rocky Mountain Husbandman, June 29, 1911, p. 2.
. 6 -
"Governor's Roll Call of the Legislature,"  Montana Lookout,
May 20, 1911, p. 4.
57
sess ion,"  and could not ju s t i f y  what he estimated to be a cost of 
$50,000 to $60,000 for a law unfavorable to . . small communities.
Other newspaper editors opposed the committee's b i l l  because 
of i t s  closed primary provisions. S. M. Roberts and 0. S. Wood of 
Butte 's  Tribune Review echoed the opinion of the Missoula Sentinel tha t  
the special session would only provide a "bad law for Montana." As 
sympathizers of the working men, the  editors disl iked the provisions
O
for declaring party membership.
But Fred Whiteside, editor  of the Kalispell Bee, insis ted  tha t  
the d is t inc t ion  between open and closed primaries was a more deeply 
s ign i f ican t  one than most people real ized.  In addition to the objec­
tionable recording of party preference, the closed primary proposed by 
the committee would s t i l l  be subject to the 1901 party law that  
deprived the voters of freedom of choice. As mentioned e a r l i e r ,  under 
th is  1901 law a voter could receive only his par ty 's  ba l lo t .  Thus he 
was denied the r igh t  to se lec t  a candidate from another party. If  
the voter did not se lec t  those candidates favored by party leaders his 
loyalty could be questioned, subjecting him to possible f ine and impris­
onment. And f in a l ly ,  in the general elect ion the voter was bound by
oath to vote for  the majority of the candidates representing his chosen
= \
7llGo Slow on Primary Law," Republican Picket , June I ,  .1911, p.4.
8llBad Law For Montana," Tribune Review, July 8, 1911, p. 4.
58
party. The closed system therefore effect ively, denied each voter 
freedom of choice in both primary and general e lect ions .^
Miles Romney based his resistence to what he termed "Norris' 
primary bluff" on his mistaken in te rpre ta t ion  of the I & R const i­
tutional amendment. Apprehensive tha t  any law passed in a special 
session would be repealed, Romney ins is ted  tha t  the people must by. 
i n i t i a t i v e  make the law themselves. "Any law enacted by the people 
through the medium of the i n i t i a t i v e  and referendum can be repealed 
only by a vote of the people. The governor cannot veto such a law nor 
can the leg is la tu re  repeal i t .  I t  s t i ck s . "  Romney was mistaken. 
Unlike a constitut ional  amendment, the leg is la tu re  can amend or repeal
]  Q
an in i t i a t ed  law without a public referendum.
Underlying Romney's mis trust  of the leg is la tu re  and Norris' 
intent ions was probably a fear tha t  a special session primary law 
would steal  the f i r e  of the People's Power League and jeopardize the 
the success of the other proposed i n i t i a t i v e s . Depending as he did on
"Favors Primary," Kalispell Bee, August I ,  1911, p. 4. This 
t i t l e  is not in tent iona l ly  misleading. Whiteside surely was a champion 
of d irec t  e lec t ion ,  i f  not of the Governor's special session; Laws, 
Resolutions and Memorials of the State of Montana Passed by the Seventh 
Regular Session of the Legislative Assembly (Helena! State Publishing 
Company, 1901), p. 115.
^"The People Should Cinch I t , "  Western News, April 4, 1911, 
p. 4; Revised Codes of Montana, 1907: Constitutions, e t c . .  Poli t ical
Code (Helena: State Publishing Co., 1908), p. •','Vi v Others were
also confused as to the provisions for repealing or amending an i n i t i a ­
t ive  measure. See "For Direct Primaries," River Press,October4,1911, p. 5.
59
the support of the trade unionists ,  Romney could not abandon the i r
strong resentment toward the proposed closed primary. Rather than
express such fee l ings ,  the League president shif ted to the offensive
position and challenged Norris to . . follow up his profession of
fa i th  in the doctrine of the i n i t i a t i v e ,  referendum . . .  by joining
11the People's Power League."
When a majority of the l eg is la to rs  refused to sign Norris'
request to support his special committee's b i l l ,  Romney f e l t  j u s t i f i e d
in his posi tion.  The proposed session hung in limbo for quite some
time, as the governor refused to commit himself any fur ther .  While
Norris toured the East with other Western governors, Ka l ispel l 's Young
Men's Republican League requested acting Governor William R. Allen to
call the leg is la tu re  into session to pass the b i l l .  Allen refused on
the grounds tha t  the " . . .  men haven't  changed . . . "  and would not
12pass the primary leg is la t ion .
Senator Dixon was not willing to give up so eas i ly .  In spi te  
of the lack of pledged support,  he believed, " i f  the governor will only 
exercise his lawful function and convene the Montana leg is la tu re  and 
put the question squarely up to them, they will pass the b i l l  in less 
than a week." Even a f t e r  the People's Power League i n i t i a t i v e  drive *I
^ E d i t o r i a l ,  Western News, September 19, 1911, p. 2.
I ?"They Don't Want I t , "  River Press , September 20, 1911, p. 3; 
"Will Not Call Extra Session," December 13, 1911, p. 5; "Allen Refuses 
to Call Extra Session," Western News, December 12, 1911, p. I.
60
was underway, Dixon t r ie d  desperately to get a special session. By
April of 1912 he also wished to have a presidentia l preference bi l l
added to the special assembly's duties to insure Montana's support for
Roosevelt on the Republican t icke t .  This would be the only means of
counteracting the old guard Republican support for Taft.
Dixon's term in the senate would expire in March of 1913.
Having lo s t  the confidence of the conservative party leaders through
his progressive a c t iv i ty  in Washington, he knew he could never reta in
his seat  unless the people had the opportunity to nominate him. Only
a special session and primary elect ion in 1912 could preserve his
po l i t ica l  fu ture ,  as the i n i t i a t i v e  b i l l  could not provide for a
senatorial  primary until  1916. But, Norris , who also eyed the senate
sea t ,  refused to act .  Finally ,  on July 20, 1912, the time l imit
13imposed by the governor for  the special session expired.
Meanwhile, by September of 1911, i t  was obvious to the leaders 
of the League tha t  Governor Norris'  special primary session would never 
materia l ize .  Rather than postpone any longer they decided to make 
th e i r  opening move to secure signatures for th e i r  four i n i t i a t i v e  I
I 3"For Popular Government," River Press , December 6, 1911, p. 2; 
"Want Special Session to Pass Primary," Western News, April 12, 1912; 
"The People Will Rule," July 23, 1912, p. 2; Jules A, Karlin, Joseph M. 
Dixon Of Montana: Part I :  Senator and Bull Moose Manager.1867-1917
(Missoula: University of Montana Publications in History, 1974), pp.
117-118.
61
measures. Just  as the League began i t s  drive for pe t i t ion  signatures 
a th rea t  to the whole process of d i rec t  leg is la t ion  developed from 
outside the s ta te .  W. K. Harber called a t tent ion to events in Oregon 
tha t  might defeat the League's e f fo r ts  by s t r ik ing  down the I & R in 
every s ta te  tha t  had adopted i t . ^
The question of the cons t i tu t iona l i ty  of the I & R was the 
basis of a su i t  before the U. S. Supreme Court between the Pacific 
States Telephone and Telegraph Company and the State of Oregon. The 
people of Oregon, through the i n i t i a t i v e  powers of th e i r  constitution 
had imposed a tax of 2 percent on the gross earnings of the telegraph 
and telephone companies. For four years the company refused to pay 
the tax. The State won i t s  su i t  against  the Pacific States T & T in 
the Oregon Supreme Court. The Pacif ic  States T & T then appealed to 
the U. S. Supreme Court on the grounds tha t  the I & R law under which 
i t  was taxed was unconst itut ional . T & T attorneys argued tha t  other 
companies were taxed by the leg is la tu re  a f t e r  hearings, while only the 
T & T was taxed by the people, thus denying i t  "equal protection of 
the law.1 ^
The case drew the a t tent ion of many champions of the I & R. 14
14" In i t i a t iv e  Petit ions Placed in Circulation Yesterday," 
Western News, September 5, 1911, p. I ; "Will Test Oregon Laws,"
River Press, September 27, 1911, p. I .
•I r
bllAssault is Begun on Reform Laws," Western News, October 6, 
1911, p. I .  '
62
California , Washington, Colorado, Nebraska, South Dakota, Arkansas and 
Missouri sent lawyers to help defend the State o f  Oregon by 
fighting for  the exercise of sovereignity by the people .". Romney ad­
monished tha t  Montana, too, should stand with her s i s t e r  s ta tes  in 
. th is  great  legal ba t t le  for popular r igh ts . "  Although Montana 
sent no representatives to Washington, the s t a t e ' s  newspaper editors 
played the same roles of defenders arid assa i lan ts  as i f  they had been 
fighting th is  important legal ba t t le  themselvesJ 6
The Supreme Court decided tha t  the question was not j u d i c i a l , 
tha t  only Congress could oppose the measure, and ordered PST & T to 
pay i t s  taxes. PST & T!s fa i lu re  to destroy the I & R was reason for 
celebration i t s e l f .  I ronica l ly ,  the actual t r i a l  added to the League's 
program by providing much public i ty  on the issue of d i rec t  leg is la t ion ,  
and, in the long run, aided the League's drive to secure pe t i t ion  s ig ­
n a tu r e s . ^
While the Supreme Court was hearing the PST & T case s t i l l  
another legal problem threatened to f ru s t r a te  the League's e f fo r ts .
"Assault is Begun on Reform Laws," Western News, October 6, 
1911, p. I ;  " In i t i a t iv e  and Referendum Before Supreme Court," November 
10, 1911, p. 2; "Why I s n ' t  Montana Represented?" Western News, November 
14, 1911, p. 4; "People's Power League Active," Republican Picket , Sep­
tember 28, 1911, p. 2; "The Way the People Do Things In Oregon,"
Western News, January 6, 1912, p. 3.
^ " I n i t i a t i v e  and Referendum Not a Judicial Problem." Western 
News, February 20, 19T2, p. I ; "Voters May I n i t i a t e  LegislatioriTn ^  
River Press, February 28, 1912, p. I .
63
The 12th Assembly had passed a b i l l  . . providing for the reg is ­
t ra t ion  of e lec to rs ."  This new reg is t ra t ion  law required voters to 
r eg is te r  with the county clerk and recorder, rather than the regis try  
agents as in the past.  The law possibly was a covert attempt to 
r e s t r i c t  the po l i t ica l  involvement of a mobile voting population within
the working c lass .  Though seemingly innocent in nature the law proved
IRto be a tremendous obstacle to the League.
The River Press amusingly reported the measure as extremely 
exacting, requiring:
. . . name, age, occupation, height, weight, na t iv i ty ,  
naturalized (when and where), residence ( s t ree t  and number 
of section and township), post o f f ice ,  length of time in 
s t a t e ,  county, or c i ty ,  school d i s t r i c t  or ward, and physical 
d i s a b i l i t i e s .
I f  a l l  these questions could not be answered, one could not reg is te r .
Most property owners were aware of the section and township l ines ,
but tenants of the working class who did not own property and moved
19often were not so informed, and had trouble regis ter ing.
At f i r s t  the Ekalaka Eagle lauded the act as a favor to farmers, 
allowing them to r eg i s te r  " . . .  nearly anytime of the year ."  The I
I O
"Senate Journal of the Twelfth Session of the Legislative 
Assembly of the State of Montana 1911 (Helena: Independent Publishing
Company, 1911), SB68, pp. 124, 318, 650; "New Registration Law Impor­
tan t  to Voters," Si lver  S ta te , May 24, 1911, p. I.
^"New Registration Law," River Press , April 12, 1911, p. 4.
64
editor  expected the law to increase voter part ic ipa tion  in rural 
counties from 10 to 20 percent. But by autumn the Eagle's praise 
turned to panic. By some quirk of fa te  the wrong forms were sent to 
Custer County, and a l l  r eg is t ra t ion  prior  to September 14 was declared 
void. As pe t i t ion  signatures for the People's Power League in i t ia t ives  
had to be c e r t i f i ed  as those of correct ly  registered voters,  the 
i n i t i a t i v e  drive in Custer County had to s t a r t  a l l  over again. The 
Eagle not if ied  c i t izens  to return to the clerk and recorder to complete 
the correct  forms. Registration continued, but as such a slow pace 
tha t  the edi tor  pleaded with his readers to get t h e i r  names recorded.
He even went so far  as to request tha t  people ask th e i r  neighbors and 
businessmen th e i r  customers to report  to the clerk and recorder 's  
o f f i c e .20
Custer was not the only county having problems gett ing voters 
regis tered under the terms of the new law. Late in October only 10 
percent of Raval l i ' s  voters were on the books. The s i tua t ion  was so 
c r i t i c a l  in Cascade by January of 1912 th a t  W, K. Harber published one 
of his rare  bi t ing ed i to r ia l s  en t i t led  the "Duty of Citizenship'.1:
I f  you don 't  get your name on the big book, you are to 
a l l  in tents  and purposes.of no more account in the general 
mixup than Hong Lee, the Chinese r a t  catcher,  who pi les  up *2
"Another Good Bill Passes," Ekalaka Eagle, March 3, 1911, 
p. I ; "Notice to Electors,"  September-15, 1911,. p. I ;  repeated September
22, 1911, p . I ; "Registration Slow," September 22, 1911, p. I ;  "Voters 
Regis ter!" November 24, 1911, p. I .
65
his trade on the far  away banks of the Yang Tse Klang. And 
tha t  is  the t ru th .  ; . .
The man who looks bored and t e l l s  you with a yawn that  
" I don 't  care to vote because po l i t i c s  are so wrotten don't  
you know," is a greater  enemy to the country than the biggest 
po l i t ica l  g ra f te r  who ever grabbed—for his negligence brings 
the g ra f te r  into being and for his c ivic  rottenness he has 
po l i t i c s  beaten a Mormon block. . . .
The outlook for  reg is t ra t ion  is ra ther  discouraging, and 
will mean a short vote next e lec t ion ,  a showing of decreasing 
population which will hardly be good advert ising for Montana— 
not to mention the elect ion of o f f i c i a l s  without the full  
expression of the people. . . .
Regardless of p o l i t i c s ,  i t  is every man's duty to reg is te r ,  
and the duty of every other man to see tha t  he does. Help 
along good government by taking your neighbor by the scruff  
of the neck, i f  he be small enough, and leading him to the 
reg is t ra t ion  o ff ice .  S ta r t  a debating club upon the. subject ,  
and whenever a man sneers a t  the reg is t ra t ion  suggestion ju s t  
mark him down on your book as a c i t izen  who needs watching, 
or, i f  he doesn 't  need watching, he needs treatment.21
Naturally the problem of gett ing voters regis tered adversely 
affected the Leagues i n i t i a t i v e  campaign. The I & R law required tha t  
only regis tered voters sign pe t i t ions .  Thus the new reg is t ra t ion  law 
necessitated two campaigns, one to get the voters reg is te red ,  and 
another to get the pe t i t ions  signed. In sp i te  of the League's untir ing 
e f fo r t ,  the I n i t i a t iv e  Files in the Office of the Secretary of State
pi
"Questions Asked When You Register ,"  Western News, October 
•24, 1911, p. I ;  "Duty of Citizenship," River Press , January 10, 1912, 
p. 4. In th is  lengthy e d i to r ia l ,  quoted in pa r t ,  Harber t r ied  to 
reach every segment of Montana's society: the wage earners who f e l t
threatened by Chinese immigrants; the businessmen who depended upon 
increased population.to ra ise  p ro f i t s ;  the farmer who was considered to 
be the backbone of democracy; and the average middle c lass c i t izen ,  the 
"mainstree ters ."
66
show tha t  many of the signatures were re jected,  often en t i re  pe t i t ions ,
pp
on the grounds tha t  the signers had not properly regis tered.
Even though the regis tra tion,  law appeared to carry a joker in 
the dea l , i t  was not d i rec t ly  designed to thwart the progress of the 
League. The League did not form until  a f t e r  the law took effect .  
However, i t  may have been spurred by the demand for d i rec t  leg is la t ion  
to reform the po l i t ica l  process, a concern much older than the League 
i t s e l f .  The d i f f i cu l ty  faced by the urban laborers in the reg is tra t ion  
process suggests a possible attempt to f ru s t r a te  union use of the I & R. 
I f  that, is what some leg is la to rs  who voted for the law had in mind, the 
union leaders c lear ly  surmounted the obstacle and became the backbone 
of the People's Power League's i n i t i a t i v e  campaign.
By the time the 1912 elect ion rolled around apparently most of 
the dut iful c i t izens  managed to get th e i r  names on the great  book, as 
the number of electors, increased considerably over the previous election
23returns.
------------ i ---------------^Secretary of S ta te ,  I n i t i a t iv e  F i les ,  1912, Of Custer County's 
285 pe t i t ione rs ,  only 178 names were acceptable.
^ E l l i s  L. Waldron, Montana Po l i t ic s  Since 1864: An Atlas of
Elections (Missoula: Montana State University Press, 1958), pp. 122,
130, 138.
CHAPTER IV
THE CAMPAIGN AND ELECTION OF 1912
The People's Power League stood in readiness for i t s  i n i t i a t i v e  
campaign during the summer of 1911. Romney delayed action until  i t  was 
obvious th a t . th e  governor's special primary session would come, to 
naught. The League then began according to plan.
The day selected to begin the pe t i t ion  campaign turned out to 
be ideal.  P rac t ica l Iy every town with a sizable wage earning popula­
tion in the s ta te  held a special Labor Day celebration.  As c i t izens 
began gathering on September 4th for the big event the Leaguers s o l i ­
c ited signatures from them. In addition to the usual parades, games, 
races, picnics , music and dancing, the f e s t i v i t i e s  included an orator 
of the day. Some of these speakers took advantage of the opportunity 
to speak on the i n i t i a t i v e  and referendum, the League, and the four 
i n i t i a t i v e  measures.
The League's i n i t i a l  success was phenomenal. Within four days 
the Western News reported tha t  although Ravalli County had secured 
more than i t s  quota of supporters , the campaign was continuing. Miles 
Romney had numerous l ieutenants:  pe t i t ions  were to be found at  such
places as the Western News Office, W. B. McLaughlin's cigar store in I
I
"Labor Day Celebration Program is a Good One," Republican. 
P icket , August 24, 1911, p. I ;  " In i t i a t iv e  Petit ions Placed in Circu­
la t ion  Yesterday," Western News, September 5, 1911, p. I.
Hamilton, and Appolonio & Matter 's s tore in Victor. In Stevensville 
former l eg i s la to r  George W. Johnson carried peti t ions house to house,
p
while Thomas Kane worked the Corvallis area.
The f i r s t  pe ti t ions c e r t i f i ed  by the Ravalli County clerk and 
recorder were delivered to Secretary of State T. NI. Swindlehurst on 
September 1.2, 1911. League President Romney confidently announced that  
the campaign would be over by the f i r s t  of October.
In most counties other newspapers joined in the advertising as 
to where voters could find the pe t i t ions  and a ff ix  th e i r  signatures. 
News off ices seemed to be the most prominent places where the peti t ions 
were located, such as the Bozeman Chronicle, the River Press, the Havre 
Promoter, the Rocky Mountain Husbandman, and others. The Silver Bow 
Trades and Labor Council appointed a special committee from the Butte 
unions to carry pe t i t ions  among fr iends ,  neighbors, and fellow workers^ 
Ravalli County's success was more than matched by the effor ts  
of Attorney Theodore Lentz in Missoula County. By the 5th of October 
he f i led  nearly twice the requis i te  number of signatures to qualify his *34
68
9
"Ravalli County Has Quota," Western News, September 8, 1911, 
p. 4; " In i t i a t iv e  Pet i t ions of Victor and Stevensvil le,"  September 22, 
1911, p. 4; "ProgressivesFile More Pe t i t ions ,"  February 6, 1912, p. I.
3
"Petit ions are Sent to Helena," Western News, September 12, 
1911, p. 2.
4"For Direct Primaries," River Press, October 4, 1911, p. 5; 
"The People Will Do I t , "  Havre Promoter, as in Western News, October 6, 
1911, p. 4; "Oregon Primary Now is Insured," Western News., October 24, 
1911, p. I ;  "Organized Labor is Working for  Law/' September 12, 1911, .
p. I .
69
county, and continued to gather even more. Lentz a t t r ibu ted  th is  
achievement to the fac t  that :
The powerful influences tha t  have dominated Montana 
po l i t i c s  so long have succeeded in keeping th is  s ta te  in the 
rotten borough c lass .  After the fa i lu re  of the l a s t  l eg i s ­
la tu re  to f u l f i l l  i t s  pledges in th is . regard  the people came 
to rea l ize  tha t  i t  was useless fo l ly  to longer enter ta in  a r 
hope of r e l i e f  through the regular  law making channels . . .
By the 24th of October, two f i f t h s  of the counties as required 
by law had qualif ied with peti t ions  to the secretary of s t a te ,  but the 
tota l  of 8 percent of the s t a t e ' s  voters had not been at tained.  The 
League pushed on op t im is t ica l ly ;  members acquired more signatures, 
never l e t t ing  up the momentum of the campaign. Even nationally  prom­
inent progressives followed the League's e f fo r ts  in Montana. News­
papers favorable to the League published encouraging l e t t e r s  from such 
standard bearers of po l i t ica l  reform as Senator Robert M. LaFollette of 
Wisconsin, Senator Jonathan Bourne of Oregon, and the founder of the 
the f i r s t  People's Power League, William S. U1Ren of Oregon.®
The campaign received a fur ther  boost when the Missoula 
"Neighborhood Clubs" chose the. i n i t i a t i v e s  as the i r  topic of discussion *
C
"Missoula Petit ions for Primary Laws F i led ." Western News, 
October 6, 1911, p. 4.
. ^"Oregon Primary is Now Insured," Western News, October 24, 
1911, p. I ;  "Written Exclusively for the People's Power League of 
Montana," September 8, 1911, p. 4; "Senator Bourne Praises People's 
Power League," October 17, 1911, p. 4; " ' I  &.R' Primary Measures Are. 
Now Up to Voters," Western News, April 26, 1912, p. I .  U1Ren also, 
aided Romney in organizational matters.
70
1
Theodore Lentz explained to the club members why the.open primary was 
necessary to. complement the Australian ba l lo t .  Others who spoke on 
the po l i t ica l  reform of the in i t i a t i v e s  included University Professor 
Joseph A. Underwood, Attorney Roberts, Attorney W. F. Wayne and Senator 
Joseph M. Dixon.
Dixon lauded the progressive measures in i t i a t ed  by the League, 
but unlike the other speakers, he did not d i rec t ly  endorse the People's 
Power League. The Senator may have had some reservations about the 
organization. In Romney's rendit ion of the meeting he credited Dixon 
with the following remarks:
. . .  A republic of th is  size must preserve i t s  po l i t ica l  
par t ies  and not allow i t s e l f  to become divided into unstable 
groups. The possible elimination of po l i t ica l  part ies  . . .
[is] the only danger tha t  presents i t s e l f  in the New Propa­
ganda7
7
"People's Power League Movement Discussed by Neighborhood 
Club," Western News, November 17, 1911, pp. I ,  7; Jules A. Karlin, 
Joseph M. Dixon of Montana: Part I: Senator and Bull Moose Manager
1867-1917 (Missoula: University of Montana Publications in History,
1974), p. 130. Karlin mistakenly credits '  Dixon with directing the 
i n i t i a t i v e  drive,  and does not mention Romney or the League. Actually, 
Dixon's a t t i tude  toward the League seemed ambiguous. His Missoulian 
argued for the i n i t i a t i v e s ,  reported on the League's progress, and 
often quoted a r t i c l e s  and ed i to r ia l s  from Romney's Western News. Yet 
he remained unaff i l ia ted 'w ith  the League, perhaps because i t  was out­
side of his control and threatened to have an adverse e f fec t  on his own 
power. He did, however, need the support of i t s  Democrat and liberal  
Republican members. The a t t i tude  expressed in his Neighborhood Club 
speech was e i the r  less than genuine, or ,  perhaps ah opinion he changed 
when he associated himself with the Non-Partisan Direct Legislation 
League, to be discussed l a t e r .
I
71
Because the League's membership represented a cross-section 
of po l i t ica l  a f f i l i a t i o n ,  i t  seemed to threaten the strength of party 
so l ida r i ty .  This th rea t ,  however, was i l lusory .  The League had no 
desire to shake i t s  members' party loyal ty or to run i t s  own s la te  of 
candidates for  any e lect ion.  I ts  goal was to serve people of all  
pa r t ies  by passing leg is la t ion  tha t  the assembly had repeatedly refused 
to pass.
I t  took longer than Romney had anticipated to secure enough
peti t ions  to place the in i t i a t i v e s  on the November ba l lo t .  Obtaining
signatures was not pa r t icu la r ly  d i f f i c u l t ,  but getting the signatures
c e r t i f i ed  and counted proved otherwise. Many persons who signed the
pe t i t ions  fa i led  to r eg i s te r  under the new law, and th e i r  signatures .
were thrown out by the county c lerks. In Custer County, where the
wrong reg is t ra t ion  forms had been used, the clerk validated only 178 of
the 285 names. In Yellowstone County only 262 of more than 300 signa-
8tures were veri f ied .
An en t i re ly  d i f fe ren t  problem arose in Jefferson County. 
Committeeman James A. Jergenson so l ic i ted  130 names, a l l  of which were 
c e r t i f i ed  by the clerk and recorder, who promptly mailed them to 
Helena. After nearly two months Romney discovered tha t  the secretary
^"Custer County Files Pe t i t i on s ," Western News, October 24, 
1911, p. I ;  "Yellowstone Files Pe t i t ions ,"  November 17, 1911, p. I .
/
■7 2 .
of s ta te  had never received them. Jergenson had to conduct his entire ,  
campaign again .^
Another problem of lesser  importance arose due to the sub­
dividing of counties. According to the I & R law, quotas for p e t i ­
tioning counties were based on the voter turnout in. the l a s t  guberna­
to r ia l  e lec t ion ,  which in th is  case was in 1908. Four new counties had 
been created since tha t  e lect ion ,  and they did not f igure into the 
pe t i t ion  campaign a t  a l l .  This placed a pa r t icu la r  hardship.of 
Chouteau County which was cut to one th i rd  i t s  former s ize ,  yet 
required to f i l e  8 percent of the 1908 elect ion returns to qualify.
W. K. Harber had to work extra hard to get the exceptionally high 
requirements in signatures.  Hill County, which was formerly a part  of 
Chouteau, t r ied  to cooperate by sending 100 peti t ions  to Helena. The 
secretary of s ta te  rejected them as Hill had no previous voting record. 
Lincoln, also a new county, t r ied  unsuccessfully to get t h e i r  petitions 
accepted. Despite the problem faced by a l l  the older counties that
lo s t  t e r r i t o r y ,  only Meagher was unable to qualify with 8 percent of
10i t s  voters signatures.
Q
"What Has Become of the Jefferson County Primary Petitions?" 
Western News, January 12, 1912, p. I ; I n i t i a t iv e  F i les ,  1912.
^Cha r t ,  Western News, April 16, 1912, p. I ;  I n i t i a t i v e  F i les ,  ; 
1912. Carbon County's pe ti t ions were not counted as they arrived too 
la te .  Romney complained of s ta l l ing  on the part  of the clerk and 
recorder.
73
In the following, ed i to r ia l  Romney expressed concern over the 
many problems with which the People's Power League had to contend:
Whenever afforded an opportunity the voters are eager to sign 
the pe t i t ions .
And yet pe rs i s ten t ,  implacable opposition has been f e l t .  A 
powerful and s i n i s t e r ,  a lb e i t  unseen, influence has sought to par­
alyze the movement from s t a r t  to f in ish .  Even committeemen who 
were enthusiast ic  for the movement in the beginning were suddenly 
benumbed with apathy. In instances voters have been openly dis- 
uaded from signing and have professed fear  of the consequences; 
county clerks whose duty i t  is to compare the pe t i t ions  with the 
reg is t ra t ion  books and ce r t i fy  the same to the secretary of s ta te  
have sought to procrast inate  and have proved extraordinarily  c r i t ­
ical in making th is  comparison. In Butte, where the Socia l is t  Pariy 
is strong and where agents of the Amalgamated Copper Company's po­
l i t i c a l  department are seeking to fasten themselves to the mach­
inery of the party , j u s t  as has happened with the democratic and 
republican pa r t ie s ,  an extreme element has been arrayed against 
the movement. They would apply the "doctrine of misery" and force 
everybody to join  the so c i a l i s t  party in order to secure reforms.
But a l l  the powers and wiles of reaction represented by the 
entrenched corporate and po l i t ica l  machines, will not a v a i l . ' '
And Romney was r igh t .  In sp i te  of a l l  the obstacles the People's 
Power League campaign was successful.  On April 24, 1912, the governor 
proclaimed tha t  the four in i t i a t i v e s  would be on the ba l lo t  for the 
November e lect ion .  All four measures received more than the minimum 
number (5,455) of signatures necessary for th e i r  ac t iva t ion .  Those 
in favor of the d i rec t  primary, the most popular measure, to ta l led  
6,048.1 2
11 "What Has Become of the Jefferson County Primary Petitions?" 
Western News, January 12, 1912, p. I .
12"I SR  Primary Measures Are Now Up to Voters," Western News, 
April 26, 1912, p. I ;  I n i t i a t iv e  F i les .  1912.
74
Elated over the pe t i t ion  campaign's success, Romney predicted 
tha t  the measures would.soon become laws, an event tha t  would be 
. . educational , and tend to elevate the i n te l l e c tu a l ,  p o l i t i c a l ,  
and moral standards of the composite c it izenship o f  the s ta te ."
Urging voters to support the in i t i a t i v e s  he believed would . . 
revolutionize the po l i t ica l  s ta tus  of the s t a te . "  Romney expressed 
fa i th  tha t  the power of the company would come to an end:
I t  will be impossible for the agents of the great  copper 
t r u s t  who boast of employment of half  the men in the s ta te ,  to 
coerce or buy a majority of the voters in any given county, or 
the s ta te  as a whole, protected as they will be both in the 
primary and general elect ion by the Australian ba l lo t  and a 
d ras t ic  corrupt practices act .
I f  I sense the s i tuat ion  a r igh t ,  the Montana public, while 
wishing these great  corporations well in an industr ia l  way, are 
determined tha t  they shall no longer dominate po l i t ica l  a f fa i r s .
As the time for  the general election drew near the People's 
Power League launched a th ird  campaign to educate the voters to deal 
with th is  new method of leg is la t ing .  I t  had been six years since the 
voters adopted the I & R s ta tue ,  and the s t a t e ' s  population had grown 
considerably within tha t  time. Many of the newer residents.were 
ignorant of th i s  law tha t  had never been used. As an example of the 
magnitude of the problem, the Tribune Review received an inquiry:
"What are the referendum, i n i t i a t i v e ,  primary and recal l?"  The 
Western News published an equally questioning l e t t e r  to the editor &
& R Primary Measures . . ." Western News,. April 26, 1912,
p. I .
75
regarding the referendum on the Donohue Military Law passed by the 12th
Assembly: "In voting against  th is  act  do we vote for referendum measure
No. 300 or against  referendum measure No. 30T?" The ba l lo t  admittedly
was more than a l i t t l e  confusing. In order for an e lec tor  who signed
peti t ions  "for" the referendum to defeat the law, he would have to vote
14"against" the referendum once the measure was on the bal lo t .
Especially helpful to the League's educational campaign were 
provisions within the I & R law i t s e l f .  The secretary of s ta te  had to 
mail each regis tered voter a copy of the en t i re  tex t  of the in i t i a t i v e  
and referendum measures on the ba l lo t .  Equally important to the League, 
the law also provided tha t  anyone could prepare su f f ic ien t  copies 
explaining th e i r  views on the measures to the public, and the secretary 
would mail these along with the tex t  of the measures. The League took 
advantage of th is  provision in order to reach a l l  the voters of the 
s ta te .  Romney drew up a persuasive analysis  of the e f fec t  of the 
po l i t ica l  reforms, printed 80,000 copies on his press, and delivered 
them to the secretary of s ta te  to be sent to the voters.  The I & R 
also aided the League's public i ty  campaign by requiring tha t  the 
governor's proclamation of the i n i t i a t i v e  and referendum election be
^ "L e t t e r s  to the E d i t o r . Tribune Review, April 27, 1912, 
p. 4; "How to Vote on Mil i t ia  Bill #220," Western News, October I ,
1912, p. I.
76
fur ther  publicized in one newspaper in every county once a week for
16four weeks a t  the county's expense.
Celebrating the f i r s t  anniversary of the League, Secretary Max 
McCusker boasted tha t  the "well defined program . . . "  had been "carried 
out in every d e ta i l . "  With the pe t i t ion  campaign successfully closed 
and the information mailed to every voter , the League breathed a l i t t l e  
eas ier .  Al I the work now behind them, the People's Power League had
I C
rather  smooth sa i l ing  for a change.
Once the regular campaign got into full  swing the League 
picked up additional support from part ies  and candidates. Many of the 
candidates for  e lect ive  off ice  spoke on the People's Power League 
in i t i a t i v e s  during the course of th e i r  public appearances. Most 
importantly, the Democratic State Convention endorsed the League and 
adopted the four i n i t i a t i v e s  as part  of i t s  platform. In Helena the 
Progressive Republican or "Bull Moose" convention also endorsed the 
League and pledged i t s  support to the I & R measures on the ballo t .
The endorsement of Theodore Roosevelt, who attended the convention, 15
15Laws, Resolutions and Memorials of the State of Montana 
Passed a t  the Tenth Regular Session of the Legislative Assembly, 1907 
(Helena: State Publishing Company, 1907), p. 125; "Firs t  Anniversary,
of the League," Western News, June 14, 1912, p. I ;  "Voters Will Make 
Laws," River Press , May I ,  1912, p. 4.
“"Firs t  Anniversary of the League," Western News, June 14,
1912, p. I.
77
len t  added support to the League from his personal admirers in various 
17party c i rc le s .
The Republican convention, which Romney accused of being com­
pany control led,  experienced divisiveness on the issue of League 
support and especially concerning the matter of presidentia l  preference. 
Dixon and his followers wished to nominate Roosevelt as the Republican 
candidate, but the conservative element controlling the convention 
refused to allow party members to express th e i r  own choice.
In addit ion,  the conservatives voted.down a suggestion to adopt 
a platform supporting the People's Power League. As a r e su l t ,  a new 
sense of urgency for po l i t ica l  reform, and especial ly reform of the 
presidentia l  preference, emerged from the convention. Romney warned 
tha t  in the next election ". . . the people will decide--not the con­
ventions." And Dixon severely c r i t ic iz ed  the State Republican Com­
mittee for  not permitting party members to decide which candidate to 
support a t  the national convention.^  *I
17
"Walsh and Stewart the Nominees." Western News, August 30, 
1912, p. I ;  "The Bull Moose Name State Ticket,"  September 10, 1912,
PP. 1-2.
I O
"Taft Men Name County T icke t , " Western News, September 3, 
1912, p. I .  Soc ia l i s t  papers during the time of th is  study are not . 
avai lable to determine th e i r  platform or stand on the League; "The 
People Must Rule," River Press, March 13, 1912, p. 4; "Dixon Makes Pro­
t e s t , "  March 27, 1912, p. I ;  "Primary Bill in Congress," Western News, 
March 20, 1912, p. 4. Senator Albert B. Cummins of Iowa introduced a 
presidentia l  primary b i l l  to Congress to deal with the problem on a 
national level .  Had his b i l l  not been defeated, conventions would no 
longer play a role in nominating presidentia l  candidates.
78
But Thomas E. Butler of the Republican Picket was well s a t i s ­
fied with the convention system of nominating candidates. In fac t ,  
he fussed tha t  the voters already had fa r  too much to decide. Butler 
complained tha t  aside from the usual task of elect ing s ta te  and local 
o f f i c e r s , the voters had to nominate senatorial  candidates as provided 
by the Everett Law of 1911. Adding to the chore, the e lectorate  had 
to pass on four i n i t i a t i v e s ,  one referendum, and a bond issue for a 
s ta te  asylum a t  Warm Springs. Despite the long and complicated ballot  
on November 5, 1912, only one out of four voters refused to pass on 
the additional measures. P rac t ica l Iy 75 percent voiced th e i r  opinions 
on League reforms. Voters repealed the Donohue Military Law by nearly 
a two th ird  majority. The four, i n i t i a t i v e s  received even greater 
support,  or over three fourths in favor .^
The Great Falls Tribune applauded the elect ion resu l ts  and 
credited the People's Power League with the victory. The editor 
expressed hope *15
^"Voters  to Have Much to Decide," Republican Picket , August
15, 1912, p. 2.; E l l is  Waldron, An Atlas of Montana Po l i t ic s  Since 1864 
(Missoula: Montana State University Press, 1958), pp. 147-148. The
vote on the Donohue Military b i l l  was 41,749 against--21 ,195 for; 
d i rec t  primary, 46,437 fo r—12,879 against ;  senatorial preference, 
45,620—12,442; presidentia l  preference, 46,241—12,142; and corrupt 
p rac t ices ,  44,337—13,645.
79
. . . tha t  the Power League will continue in existence; 
and a f t e r  the coming session of the leg is la tu re ,  should that  
body fa i l  to carry out the democratic platform pledges in any 
way, through the league the questions should be passed up to 
the people for  action two years from now.™
A general progressive atmosphere was especial ly evident in the
s ta te  leg i s la t iv e  race. Seventy-five percent of the candidates f i led
pledge #1 under the Everett b i l l ,  agreeing to e lect  the senatorial
candidate chosen by the people. Of those part ic ipa t ing  in the contest ,
only one individual was elected who f i led  pledge #2, refusing to honor
21the public decision.
When the new leg is la tu re  met the following January, i t  unani­
mously elected Thomas J.  Walsh, the people's choice, to succeed 
Joseph M. Dixon as U. S. Senator. The Everett Law or "fake primary" 
worked a f t e r  a l l ,  and Walsh had the honor of being the only senator
elected under i t s  provisions. On December 13, 1912, the. Everett Law
22was repealed by the League's senatorial e lect ion law.
on
"Voters Enact Laws," Tribune, as in River Press, December 4, 
1912, p. 2.
^ "People Will Name a U. S. Senator by Direct Vote," Western 
News, September 20, 1912, p. I.
pp
Waldron, p. 138; Senate Journal of the Thirteenth Session of 
the Legislative Assembly of the State of Montana 1913 (Helena: Inde­
pendent Publishing Co., 1913), pp. 63-64; House Journal of the Thir­
teenth Session of the Legislative Assembly of the State of Montana 
1913 (Helena: Independent Publishing Co., ),  pp. 67, 85-86.
80
Actually the League's senatorial preference law was never used. 
In May of 1912 Congress passed a resolution to amend the const itut ion 
to provide for popular elect ion of senators. Montana's T3th Assembly 
r a t i f i e d  the amendment without a dissenting vote. On May 31, 1913, the 
Seventeenth Amendment to the Constitution replaced the League's i n i t i ­
ated law, as well as the laws of 28 other s ta tes  with similar  pro-
23visions for  d i rec t  nomination of senators.
The fu lf i l lment  of the f i r s t  program of the People's Power 
League, though dependent on highly organized and e f f i c ien t  volunteers, 
can be a t t r ibu ted  to the non-partisan nature of i t s  reforms. The issue 
was the reforming of the elect ion process to give the e lectorate  a true 
choice of i t s  representatives in s ta te  and local government. Regardless 
of party a f f i l i a t i o n  each individual sought a voice in the nominating 
of candidates before the general e lect ion.  The impressive number of 
voters favoring reform c lear ly  demonstrates wide-spread disdain for the 
d ic ta tes  of machine po l i t ic ians  and corporate influence under the old 
convention system. The passage of the po l i t ica l  reforms also indicates . 
the magnitude of progressive voters within the State of Montana.
^"People Win Long Fight," Republican Picket , May 16, 1912, 
p. I ;  House Journal . . . 1 9 1 3 , pp. 43, 169; Senate Journal . . . 1913, 
p. 205; 92nd Congress, 2nd Session, Senate Document 92-82. The Con- 
s t i tu t ion  of the United.States: Analysis and In terpre ta t ion ,  Annota­
t ions of Cases Decided by the Supreme Court of the United States to 
June 29, 1972 (Washington, D. C.: U. S. Government Printing Office,
1973), pp. 34, 1565.
CHAPTER V
THE LEGISLATURE AND SOCIAL RESPONSIBILITY
The election of 1912 resulted in a tremendous success for the 
People's Power League and demonstrated tha t  Montana's i n i t i a t i v e  and 
referendum law could be made to work. League leaders,  however, did 
not give up th e i r  fa i th  in the normal l eg i s la t ive  channels, nor did 
they l e t  up on th e i r  drive for  reform. Yet the League did not see 
d i rec t  leg is la t ion  as a subs t i tu te  for the normal leg i s la t iv e  process. 
I t  wanted the leg is la tu re  i t s e l f  to continue the reform movement that  
i t  had begun. Even before the secretary of s ta te  published the official 
e lect ion r e su l t s ,  League President Miles Romney called a special 
meeting to draw up leg is la t ion  for workmen's compensation. The League 
would then present the b i l l  to the 1913 leg is la tu re  for i t s  approval.
When the League turned to workmen's compensation i t  was s h i f t ­
ing i t s  emphasis from po l i t ica l  to social reform. This sh i f t  in 
emphasis was typical of the progressive program. A contemporary student 
of society,  Benjamin Parke DeWitt, outlined progressive goals as 
follows:
The task o f  the progressive movement in the s ta te  is 
very plain and very de f in i te .  I t  must give to the people 
a real control over government a t  a l l  times: before election
by d i rec t  primaries, corrupt practices ac ts ,  . . , and an. 
e ffect ive  reg is t ra t ion  system; and a f te r  elect ion by the
^"Labor Unions and People's Power League Will Submit a 
Measure," Western News, November 26, 1912, p. I.
82
i n i t i a t i v e ,  the referendum, and the r eca l l .  I t  must, then 
use the government, thus restored to the people, to prevent 
and rel ieve social and industria l  d i s t res s :  . . . when 
bones are broken and health is gone, to re l ieve  d is t ress  
by placing upon the shoulders of society a part  of the 
burden which the individual hi therto  has borne.2
When volunteers f i r s t  organized as the People's Power League 
in 1911, they agreed to sponsor a comprehensive workmen's compensation 
plan as soon as th e i r  po l i t ica l  reforms were accepted. For quite some 
time industr ia l  accidents had been a serious problem with which working­
men had to contend. Worker's e ffor ts  to deal with the s i tua t ion  through
3the leg i s la t iv e  process were of long standing.
Tradi t ionally ,  the employer assumed no responsib i l i ty  for 
industr ia l  accidents. An injured employee's only recourse was to sue 
the employer in the courts , a t  great  expense to himself for  lawyer 
fees,  and to the public for  court expenses, i f  he hoped to get any 
redress a t  a l l .  When su i ts  were brought against an employer.he re l ied  
on the customary defenses, such as contributory negligence, negligence 
of a fellow servant , and the doctrine of assumption of r i sks .  Few 
cases were decided in favor of the employee.
Originally , the workingmen believed the solution to the i r  
dilemma would be an employer's l i a b i l i t y  law. L iab i l i ty ,  they thought, 23
2Benjamin. Parke DeWitt, The Progressive Movement ((c) 1915, 
Seatt le  and London: University of Washington Press, 1968), p. 273.
3 -
"People's Power League Behind Big Campaign," Western News,
June 13, 1911, p. L
83
would negate the old common law defenses, making an employer res­
ponsible for all  industr ia l  accidents. Attempts to secure such leg i s ­
la t ion began in Montana as early as the 1893 leg is la tu re .  After ten
years of. putting i t  o f f ,  the 1903 assembly passed the s t a t e ' s  f i r s t
4employer's l i a b i l i t y  law.
But the 1903 law apparently brought l i t t l e  redress of griev­
ances for the working man. Years l a t e r  the Montana Lookout reported 
tha t :
Three thousand miners have been killed and injured in the 
Butte mines within the past nine years and only three damage 
cases have been successfully prosecuted in tha t  period because 
it. is almost impossible to secure a f a i r  t r i a l  in such cases 
in Si lver  Bow County, such is the fear  in which the public 
holds the Amalgamated Copper Combine.5
Correcting himself two weeks l a t e r ,  the editor  reported that  
there actual ly  had been four successful cases. :F. Augustus Heinze, *94
House Journal of the Third Session of the Legislative Assembly 
of the State of Montana 1893 (Butte City: Intermountain Publishing
Co., 1893), pp. 118, 123; Senate Journal of the Fourth Session of the 
Legislative Assembly of the State of Montana 1895 (Helena: State
Publishing Co., 18.95), pp. 28, 155; Senate Journal of the Fifth Session 
of the Legislative Assembly of the State of Montana 1897 (Helena: State 
Publishing Co., 1897), pp. 17, 36-37, 206; Senate Journal of the Eighth 
Regular and Extraordinary Sessions of the Legislative Assembly of tfie 
State  of Montana 1903 (Helena: State  Publishing Co., 1903), pp. 29, 91,
94, 215; Laws, Resolutions^and Memorials_of the State of Montana Passed 
a t  the Eighth Regular and Extraordinary Sessions of the Legislative 
Assembly 1903 (Helena: State Publishing Co., 1903), pp. 156-157.
^"Combine Handicaps to Just ice  in Butte," Montana Lookout, 
February 11, 1911, p. I .
84
the l a s t  of the three Montana "copper kings" to hold out against 
Amalgamated, lo s t  three cases with damages to ta l ing  $25,600. An 
English controlled company los t  one case for $15,000. The Amalgamated-
C
Anaconda Company reportedly never lo s t  a su i t .
For years labor had fa i led  to coordinate i t s  attempts to gain
a sui table  l i a b i l i t y  law. Instead, each group of workers sought laws
to cover i t s  pa r t icu la r  industry. This piece-meal approach to
l i a b i l i t y  could be due to a lack of strong leadership to unite the
various groups, or possibly even to divide and conquer a t t i tude .
Anaconda, for instance,  would not be par t icu la r ly  against  a b i l l  to
aid coal workers, whereas a general law would bring opposition from
all  employers of labor. In fac t ,  in 1909 the coal company employees
managed to get a permanent d i s ab i l i ty  fund se t  up by the leg is la tu re .
7Unfortunately, the law was declared unconst i tu t ional . *
^11Human Rights and Legal Wrongs in Butte," Montana Lookout., 
February 25, 1911, p. 2.
^House Journal of the Seventh Session of the Legislative 
Assembly of the State of Montana 1901 (Helena: State Publishing Co.,
1901), HB36, pp. 26, 193, HB65, pp. 87, 242; Senate Journal of the 
Seventh Session of. the Legislative Assembly of the State of Montana 
1901 (Helena: State  Publishing Co., 1901), HB65, p. 136; Senate
Journal . . . 1903, SB8.7, PP; 116, 196, 215; House Journal of the 
Ninth Regular Session of the Legislative Assembly of the State of 
Montana 1905 (Helena: State Publishing Co., 1905), HBl, pp. 9, 33;
Laws, Resolutions and Memorials of the State of Montana Passed at  the 
Ninth Regular Session of the Legislative Assembly 1905 (Helena: State
Publishing Co., 1905), p. I ;  House Journal of the Tenth Session of the 
Legislative Assembly of the State of Montana 1907 (Helena: State
Publishing Co., 1907), H&348, pp. 326, 618; Senate Journal of
85
Congress also t r ied  to break down the old common law of 
employer defenses through i t s  in te r s ta te  commerce powers. The courts 
threw out the f i r s t  l i a b i l i t y  law, but upheld the 1908 law early in 
1912. "The decision," commented the Republican Picket , "marks an epoch 
in labor leg is la t ion .  The old common law, hedging in the r ights  of
O
employers, is displaced in several pa r t icu la rs .  . . . "
Within the s t a t e ,  however, the old common law remained 
unscathed. Various labor groups expected the 1911 assembly to deal 
with the unsatis factory s i tua t ion ,  but the two b i l l s  introduced promised 
no aid. Anxious to s e t t l e  the a f f a i r .  Governor Norris appointed a 
committee of l eg is la to rs  to study the s i tua t ion ,  to propose b i l l s  
defining l i a b i l i t y ,  and for  the f i r s t  time in Montana, to consider a. 
workmen's compensation a c t . ^
The governor's intervention spurred immediate opposition from
the Eleventh Session of the Legislative Assembly of the State of 
Montana 1909 (Helena: Independent Publishing Co., 1909), SB54, pp. 90,
139; House Journal of the Twelfth Session of the Legislative Assembly 
of the State of Montana 1911 (Helena: Independent Publishing Co.,
1911), HB375, p. 511, was an unsuccessful attempt to repeal SB5.6 of 
1909. The law was declared unconstitutional according to:  "Montana
Workingmen Ask for  Protect ion,"  Western News, December 13, 1912, p. 4.
^"Liabi l i ty  Law Found Legal," Republican Picket , February I ,  
1912, p. 9.
9House Journal . . . 1911, HBl09, pp. 99, 524, HB365, pp.
491-492.
86
in - s ta te  and absentee employers, who. threatened an economic shutdown 
i f  any such leg is la t ion  was approved. The leg is la tu re  also opposed 
the governor's action. They refused to approve any of the committee's 
b i l l s ,  including one to appoint a study commission to prepare leg i s ­
la t ion to submit to the following assembly.^
Following the 1912 e lect ion ,  the People's Power League believed 
i t s  successes showed a popular desire  for reform which would break down, 
the conservative barr ie r  to change. S t i l l ,  various union leaders 
realized the need for  a consorted e f fo r t  for  industria l  reform, and 
they knew the League contained the strength necessary for success. 
Cooperation began to emerge on November 26, 1912, when various labor 
leaders and League members met to draw up a workmen's compensation 
b i l l .  The League then held a special meeting on December .10 to present 
the b i l l  to i t s  members. Delegates from every labor organization in 
the s ta te  accepted the b i l l ,  and the League o f f i c i a l l y  endorsed i t .
Reporting the League's stand on compensation; Romney promised 
his readers tha t  the leg is la t ion  would:
^Governor 's  Papers, Legislative Series , Box 5, folder S5, 
Telegram, F. H. Davis to Norris, February 15, 1911; Correspondence, 
Grant S. Erwin to Norris,  February 14, 1911; House Journal . . . 1911, 
HB315, pp. 396, 729, HB316, pp. 396, 435, HB334, pp. 418-419; Senate" 
Journal of the Twelfth Session of the Legislative Assembly of the 
State of Montana 1911 (Helena: Independent Publishing Co., 1911),
pp. 434-438. : ; '
87
. . . furnish ce r ta in ,  prompt and reasonable compensation to 
the victims of work accidents and th e i r  dependents, 80 per cent 
of whom have heretofore had no r igh t  to redress under the common 
law rules .
. . . f ree the courts from the delay, cost and cri t ic ism 
incident to the great  mass of personal injury l i t i g a t i o n  here­
tofore burdening them.
. . . re l ieve public and private char i t ie s  from much of the 
des t i tu t ion  due to uncompensated industr ia l  accidents.
. . . eliminate economic wastes in the payment of unnecessary 
lawyers, witnesses and casualty corporations and the expense 
and time lo s t  due to t r a i l s  and appeals
When c r i t i c s  of the b i l l  charged tha t  i t  would be unduly 
expensive, Romney responded tha t  i t  would cost less than the present 
system, because a l l  the money payments would go to the workers rather 
than to defray lawyers' fees and insurance premiums. Romney also added 
tha t  the money paid out to the workers would remain in the s ta te ,  as 
would the compensation funds, which could be invested in ". . . s ta te  
concerns instead of being drained out of the s ta te  by premium remit­
tances to eastern f inancial centers ."  And, f in a l ly ,  he pointed out 
tha t  the system should reduce the accident ra te  because the bi l l
provided for "education in accident prevention" and "s ta te  control of
12of s t a t i s t i c a l  information" regarding accidents and compensation.
When the 13th Assembly began Dennis Murphy, President of the 
Butte Miner's Union and representa t ive from Silver Bow County, *Si
^ "Labor Unions and People's Power League Will Submit a Meas­
ure." Western News, November 26, 1912, p. I.
12 Ib id . , "Workmen's Compensation Act." Western News, January
Si 1913, p. 2.
88
introduced HBl. This was the b i l l  drawn up by the People's Power 
League and labor leaders in la te  November. I t  specified safety regu­
la t ions and prescribed penalties for v iola t ions .  I t  l i s t e d  accidents 
and the ra te  of compensation to be paid for  each d i sab i l i ty .  I t  
created an Industr ial  Insurance Department to enforce the law, and
also withdrew compensation for  the ju r isd ic t ion  of the courts abolish-
13ing the common law employer defenses.
Six other so-called compensation or l i a b i l i t y  measures were 
also introduced, causing considerable confusion. Romney, attempting 
to keep his reading public informed, reminded them tha t  the workers 
supported the Murphy b i l l .  The other b i l l s ,  he claimed, were half­
hearted, "insurance measures," or merely a "schedule of ra te s ,  the 
employer to re ta in  a l l  the old-time defenses . . . legaliz ing the 
present barbarous system.
The labor committee held a hearing on the seven b i l l s  to 
determine which, i f  any, should be enacted. The major union 134
13"Workmen's Compensation Act." Western. News, January 3, 1913, 
p. 2. House Journal o f . the  Thirteenth Session of the Legislative 
Assembly of the State of Montana 1913 (Helena: Independent Publishing
Co., 1913), HBl, p 22.
14House Journal . . . 1913, HBl34, p. 162, HB427, pp. 881, 907- 
908; Senate Journal of the Thirteenth Session of the Legislative Assem- 
bly of the State of Montana 1913 (Helena: Independent Publishing Co., 
1913), SB!2, p. 44, SB34, p. 67, SB!34, p.. 277, SB181, pp. 662, 649- 
650.
89
representa t ives supported the Murphy b i l l ,  while W. B. Rodgers, lawyer, 
and C. F. Kelley, manager and chief  council for ACM, opposed all  but 
the most ins ign if ican t  of the measures. The House passed the Murphy 
b i l l ,  while the Senate approved the Minor b i l l  recommended by ACM.
Both bodies refused to compromise and another session closed without a 
solution to the problem of industr ia l  a c c id en t s .^
Although labor 's  e f fo r ts  to gain redress and compensation for 
industr ia l  accidents had been f rus t ra ted  for twenty years,  the workers 
continued to press t h e i r  cause, maintaining fa i th  in the democratic 
process to achieve a solution. According to one h is to r ian ,  as early as 
1901 the Montana State Trades and Labor Council believed tha t  "po l i t ­
ical action was the only workable means of securing labor 's  ends." 
Within the f i r s t  decade of the 20th century a t  leas t  one small but 
vocal group, the Industr ial Workers of the World, sought extra legal 
means to rel ieve i t s  d i s t r e s s .  Yet in 1913.the majority of the 
workers s t i l l  maintained the posit ion tha t  leg is la t ion  was the only 
acceptable method of dealing with th e i r  problems.^ *
"Workmen's Bill  the Big Question," Western News, February 7, 
1913, p. I ;  "Compensation Hearing Ends Saturday," February 11, 1913, 
p. 4; "For Fair Compensation," February 25, 1913, p. 2; House Journal 
. . . 1913, HB411, pp. 607, 763; Senate Journal ,. . . 1913, SB!08, 
pp. 219, 474.
^Richard Brown RObder, "Montana In the Early Years of the 
Progressive Period," (unpublished Ph.D d is se r ta t ion .  University of 
Pennsylvania, 1971), p. 37.
90
Labor had met with moderate success in previous times. In
1901, for instance, workers were granted a law regulating hours of
employment. In 1903, a constitut ional  amendment established the
8 hour day and prohibited employment of children under the age of 16
in underground mines. And in. 1906 the union men considered the I & R
17amendment to be a major victory for th e i r  cause.
Displaying th e i r  confidence in the I & R laws, union leaders .
were the f i r s t  to t ry  to pass an in i t i a t ed  measure. In 1908 they
circula ted pe t i t ions  to leg i s la te  employers' l i a b i l i t y  and to legalize
unions. Their fa i lu re  to gain the required percentage of signatures
did not discourage them from attempting the same methods to promote a
referendum of the Donohue Military Law. In fac t ,  th e i r  association
with the People's Power League showed the workingmen's determination
18to make the system work for  them.
I t  was only na tura l ,  then tha t  when the 13th Assembly fai led . 
to pass the demanded leg i s la t ion ,  the i n i t i a t i v e  process provided an 
option to which the unions would turn. "As soon as the smoke clears 17
17House Journal of the Seventh Session of the Legislative 
Assembly of the State of Montana 1901 (Helena: State Pub l i sh ingCo.,
1901), HBl, p. 7, HB149, p. 177; House Journal of the Eighth Regular
and Extraordinary Sessions of the Legislative Assembly of the State 
of Montana 1903 (Helena: State Publishing Co., 1903), p. 178;
Waldron, p. 115.
1 8 'Secretary of State , I n i t i a t iv e  F i les ,  1908. As mentioned 
e a r l i e r ,  they also petit ioned for d i rec t  elect ion of senator.
91
away—," Romney announced a t  the closing of the leg i s la t iv e  session, 
a meeting of . . the People's Power League will be cal led . . . to
I Q
i n i t i a t e  [a] compensation ac t ."
19llMeet to I n i t i a t e  Compensation Act," Western News, March 11, 
1913, p. I.  : .
CHAPTER VI
A PROLIFERATION OF LEAGUES FOR THE 1914 CAMPAIGN
Prior to the 1912 e lect ion ,  most Montanans believed that  the . 
i n i t i a t i v e  and referendum amendment was not funct ional . The Helena 
independent e a r l i e r  recal led tha t  the I & R was thought to be . . 
careful ly  guarded . . . " b y  the Republican Party, the l a s t  party to 
support the reform. Rather than appearing to oppose the measure, the 
Republicans had passed a b i l l  tha t  would be d i f f i c u l t ,  i f  not 
impossible to use. After the union's 1908 fa i lu re  to leg i s la te  under 
i t s  provisions,  the 11. . . friends of d i rec t  leg is la t ion  declared that  
i t  was wholly i n e f f e c t iv e .1 The People's Power League's success with 
the I & R encouraged other groups to give i t  a t ry .  Before the smoke 
cleared and the People's Power League met, several new groups had 
already organized for  the purpose of accomplishing d i rec t  leg is la t ion .
One group, about which l i t t l e  is known, sought a referendum 
against an a th le t i c  commission law to legalize  boxing. Another, led by 
Paris Gibson, organized to i n i t i a t e  a b i l l  for the consolidation of
------------ T----------------  .. "Referendum to be Tried," Helena Independent, September 5, 
1911, p. I.
93
the s ta te  university system. In reaction to Gibson's group, a th ird  
group united as the Gallatin Valley Anti-Consolidation League.2
The most po ten t ia l ly  powerful group organized on March 28, 
1913, cal l ing  i t s e l f  the State Non-Partisan Direct Legislation League. 
Centering•around the figure of former Senator Joseph M. Dixon, 
chairman, the League consisted mostly of men actively involved in 
p o l i t i c s ,  many of whom were members of the leg is la tu re .  These men 
were not po l i t ica l  outsiders as in the case of most of the members of 
the People's Power Leagqe. Members of the Direct Legislation League 
were primarily Progressive Republicans, with enough l ibe ra l  Democrats 
to j u s t i f y  the t i t l e .  The leg is la t ion  they wished to i n i t i a t e  was 
directed toward l imiting the power of the Anaconda Company, but unlike 
the People's Power League, i t  was intended to benefit  chiefly  the 
middle c lass taxpayer. Their attempt to reform s ta te  governmental 
policy undoubtedly resulted from years of experience and f rus t ra t ion  
trying to work through the leg is la tu re .  Failure to achieve the i r
2
Secretary of Sta te ,  " In i t i a t iv e  and Referendum Measures 
Since Adoption of Constitutional Amendment Article  V, Section I , 
Permitting the Referendum and In i t i a t iv e"  (Misc, 23a, Helena: n . p . ,
1967), Ref. #6 rejected the a th le t i c  commission in 1914. In the 
1916 e lec t ion ,  In i t .  #11 placed the commission on the ba l lo t  unsuc- 
cesful ly .  In 1919 the leg is la tu re  passed the law again. Ref. #14 
attempted but fa i led  to repeal i t  in the 1920 elect ion.  In i t .  #9, 
consolidation of the university system, fa i led  in 1914. "The Big 
Case Up to the Supreme Court," Western News, July 10, 1914, p. I.
94
desired reforms from within the capitol walls forced the members to 
turn to the public and the i n i t i a t i v e  process.
The main concern of Dixon's League was to i n i t i a t e  leg is la t ion  
to regulate water appropriation for power purposes and to impose a 
l icense tax on corporate en terpr ises .  The main ta rge t  of the tax 
assessment was aimed primarily a t  the Montana " tw insAnaconda  and 
Montana Power, and also a t  railway car companies, especial ly  the 
Pullman luxury cars.  For years these companies had enjoyed only s l igh t  
taxation. Increased s ta te  revenue from the corporate sector of the 
economy would hopefully decrease the tax burden of the middle class 
property owner.
Other leg is la t ion  of in te res t  to th is  new League included: the
permanent location of s ta te  in s t i tu t ions  where they were already estab­
l ished, a counter move to Gibson's consolidation drive; permission for 
c i t i e s  to levy taxes for  developing e le c t r i c  l ighting plants;  and the
3
establishment of a s ta te  farm loans program.
The new League spec i f ica l ly  invited Miles Romney and Walter 
Hartman, but otherwise made no attempt to extend a welcoming hand to 
the People's Power League as a whole. Dixon appointed Romney to the 3
3
"A Direct Legislation League is  Launched," Western. News,
April I ,  1913, pp. I ,  4; Secretary of Sta te ,  In i t i a t iv e  F i les ,  1914. 
This League should not be confused with the Non-Partisan League a 
farmer-labor coal i t ion tha t  developed a few years l a t e r .
95
committee to draw up leg is la t ion  for farm loans, and Hartman to the one 
concerning permanent, location of s ta te  in s t i tu t ion s .  Other members of 
the People's Power League attended the organizational meeting, but 
apparently without inv i ta t ion .
The Butte unions.also sent a delegation of People's Power 
League members to ascertain  whether organized labor should support the 
new group. The reception of th is  delegation, by Dixon's League must 
have been cool , as they part icipated only as observers, and fa i led  to 
take any action favoring active involvement.. Secretary Max McCusker 
spoke openly against  the State Non-Partisan Direct Legislation League 
a t  the meeting. He feared tha t  the new oganization was trying to steal  
the thunder of the People's Power League. The new League, McCusker 
sa id ,  would:
. . . have the e ffec t  of weakening the original league, that  
i t  would weaken the moral e f fe c t ,  divide the strength of the 
forces believing in in i t i a t io n  and might lead to the flooding 
of the ba l lo t  with as many measures as were submitted in the 
State of Oregon l a s t  f a l l ,  when the people were asked to vote 
on 35 b i l l s .%
Romney was probably not on the best of terms with some of the 
members himself,  but he had a be t ter  sense of control over the 
s i tua t ion .  Rather than oppose Dixon's League and make enemies with 
the po l i t ic ians  in the face of a new election campaign, or commend i t
— I --------------- ; • .
"A Direct Legislation League is  Launched," Western News,
April I , 1913, pp. 1 , 4 .
96
and possibly lose rapport with the laboring men who did not f i t  into 
the bourgeois group, Romney shifted the issue to the company, a point 
on which both Leagues could agree.
I f  a flood of d i rec t  leg is la t ion  shall ensue the 
privilege-seeking corporations tha t  have so long controlled 
our l eg i s la t ive  bodies have only themselves to blame. I f ,  
when, they awaken from a drunken orgy of power they find 
themselves a f f l i c t ed  with a bad head-ache perhaps th e i r  
managing direc tors  will have the fairness  to admit that  
they are but reaping the whirlwind.
Come what w i l l ,  however, we venture assertion tha t  
the majority of th is  s t a t e ' s  e lec to rs ,  requis i te  to enact 
a law will exercise greater  forbearance, conservatism, 
wisdom, and discrimination than any corporate controlled 
leg is la tu re  tha t  has misrepresented th is  s ta te  in many 
years.  .
The people of Montana, s i t t i n g  as a committee of 
the whole, in d i rec t  leg is la tu re  assembled, will be 
awfully f a i r  and just--perhaps t h a t ' s  j u s t  what the 
Amalgamated don 't  want.5
Jus t  as the People's Power League remained divided or uncom­
mitted as to how to respond to Dixon's League, the State  Non-Partisan 
Direct Legislation League faced a similar  problem. They could not 
agree as to whether or not they wanted the help of the People's Power 
League.
When the State Npn-Partisan Direct Legislation League held 
th e i r  second meeting in Helena, Romney was " . . .  present.upon invi­
ta t ion  ., . . " t o  represent his League, ra ther  than as one of the group
5
"Three League Where But-- , " .Western News, April I ,  1913, p. 2. 
Romney had c r i t ic iz ed  several of the League members for  th e i r  actions 
in th e . l eg i s l a tu re ,  especial ly  Thomas Everetti  the author of the "fake 
primary."
97
Romney offered the services of the People's Power League in cooper­
ation with Dixon's League for  c ircu la t ing  pe t i t ions .  Helena Mayor 
Frank J.  Edwards moved to refuse Romney's o f fe r ,  but the motion fa i led  
to carry. The presiding o f f ice r  appointed a committee of three members 
to make the necessary arrangements between the two Leagues.^
This committee apparently never cal led upon the League for 
help, which in point of fac t ,  they actual ly  needed. Dixon's League 
c ircula ted pe t i t ions  for the corporate l icense tax, but were unable to 
gather su f f ic ien t  signatures to place i t  on the ba l lo t .  There is no 
evidence tha t  pe t i t ions  for  th e i r  other measures ever got off  the 
ground.^
Only where Dixon appointed People's Power League members to 
committees was he successful in reaching any of the new organizational 
goals. Hartman was a member of the executive board of the College of 
Agriculture and Mechanic Arts. His personal desire to keep the 
college in Bozeman a l l i ed  him with the Gallatin Valley Anti-Consoli­
dation League. Through his cooperative e f fo r ts  the State Non-Partisan 
Direct Legislation League succeeded in s t i f l i n g  Gibson's consolidation *
^"Three In i t i a t i v e  Bills  to be Submitted," Western News, 
September 30, 1913, p. 2.
^Secretary of State ,  In i t i a t iv e  F i les ,  1914.
98
scheme. And, when Romney picked up the farm loans i n i t i a t i v e  the
O
People's Power League carried the en t i re  campaign.
Perhaps the po l i t ic ians  of the State Non-Partisan Direct 
Legislation League had no desire  to wage the time consuming door to 
door campaign necessary to acquire support for i n i t i a t i v e  leg is la t ion .  
But they must have realized by the fa l l  of 1914 that  the People's 
Power League had the t ra in ing ,  the experience, the network of t i r e l e s s  
volunteers, prerequisi tes for  I & R work in Montana. These essent ia ls  
were the contributions of the common workingmen, the.grass roots 
personnel of the People's Power League tha t  Dixon's League never rea l ly  
accepted.
The People's Power League met on May IOth and I l th  of 1913 at  
the Carpenter 's Hall in Butte to formulate i t s  plans for the 1914 
i n i t i a t i v e  campaign. Workmen's compensation, a part  of the i n i t i a l  
program, was the main topic of discussion. The members decided to 
i n i t i a t e  the Murphy b i l l  of the past l eg i s la t ive  assembly.
The Murphy b i l l  was changed to provide administration funding 
by the industr ies  themselves, assessed according to payroll .  Actual 
compensation costs were to be paid according to industr ia l  types. For 
example, coal companies would pay the cost of compensating for acci­
dents in the coal industry only; lumber businesses would pay only for 8
8Waldron, p. 154; Interview, Paul Davidson, April 26, 1975.
99
lumbering accidents. This method, the League envisioned, would make 
industr ies  more safety-conscious so as to l imit  th e i r  expenses. The 
to ta l  cost of compensation would be borne by the industr ies ,  hot the 
s t a te ,  the taxpaper, or the wage earner.
At the same meeting President Romney proposed tha t  the People's 
Power League also sponsor the State Non-Partisan Direct Legislation 
League's i n i t i a t i v e  for  farm loans. The. League voted unanimously in 
favor of the motion. The farm loans b i l l ,  drawn up by Romney and 
Albert Besancon of Dixon's League, provided for 6% loans to farmers of 
up to one th ird  the appraised value of th e i r  land from the s t a t e ' s  
permanent funds. This would be a considerable boon to farmers who 
were paying 10 to 12%’ in te re s t  on private loans.^
Farm loans was a reform new to the State of Montana, although 
from a national perspective the i n i t i a t i v e  was not. ground breaking.
Iowa had a farm loans act  since 1857; Idaho had extended the loans for 
22 years; and North and South Dakota, Oregon and Utah had also adopted 
i t s  provisions. The States of Wisconsin, New York and New Jersey had 
farm loans a t  one time, but abandoned them due to ,  respect ively,  "fraud 
and mismanagement," "badly drawn laws," and inadequacy as a " sa t i s ­
factory investment." In Congress, b i l l s  from farm loans a t  4% percent
Q
"Preparing to I n i t i a t e  a Compensation Act." Western News,
May 2, 1913, p. I ;  "Two Bills  Proposed by Power League," May 13, 1913, 
p. I ;  "State Farm Mortgage Proposed for Montana," July I ,  1913, p. 2.
100
in te re s t  were refused as "pa te rna l i s t ic , "  even though the banks could
legally  borrow from the government a t  only 2 percent. I f  leg is la t ion
were to be enacted a t  th is  time, i t  appeared logical tha t  i t  would
10have to be on the s ta te  level.
Perhaps because Montana's homesteading took place a t  such a 
la te  period, i t  had only recently begun to confront the issue of farm 
loans. In 1911,.Joseph Kirschwing, a Democrat from Cascade County, 
introduced HB98 for  farm loans. The committee on agricu l tu re ,  unde­
cided as to what to do with i t ,  passed i t  along to the attorney 
general for an opinion. He replied tha t  should the b i l l  become law, 
i t  would be unconst i tu t ional . Both Leagues were undoubtedly aware of
th is  opinion, as Kirschwing served on Dixon's committee with Romney to
11draw up the farm loans i n i t i a t i v e .
The rank and f i l e  members of the People's Power League picked 
up Dixon's League's proposal for farm loans and secured the pe ti t ion 
signatures on th e i r  own. I t  may have seemed unusual tha t  the wage 
earners were so eager to carry the cause of the farmers to the people. 
In the past ,  the farmer had no strong organization of his own through 
which to wield po l i t ica l  power. With the homestead boom in full  swing,
^* 0llState  Farm Loans," Country Gentleman, as in Western News, 
April 29, 1913, p. 2.
11House Journal . . . 1911, pp. 85, 162; "A Direct Legis­
la t ion  League is  Launched," Western News, April I ,  1913, pp. I ,  4.
101
the labor groups apparently hoped tha t  the potent ia l ly  powerful farming 
vote would join  with them to curb the power of special in te res ts  over 
po l i t ica l  a f f a i r s . 12 13 .
Romney referred to the attempted marriage of labor and farmers
through the People's Power League in i t i a t i v e s  as ". . . an i r r e s i s t ib l e
combination." Many of the Montana State Grange and Society of Equity
local groups joined forces with the League, even though they were not
organizations of a po l i t ica l  nature themselves. The majority of the
farmers, however, did not perceive a need to a l ly  themselves with the
wage earners. Perhaps the farmer did not ye t  rea l ize  how he could use
I sa farmer-labor organization for his own benefi t.
When the People's. Power League began c ircula t ing  peti t ions  in 
September of 1913, the expanded l i s t  of representatives included, in 
addition to e a r l i e r  members, the following lawyers: E. H. Goodman of
Townsend; George Maywood of Philipsburg; William M. Johnston, of
12Roeder, "Montana In the Early Years of the Progressive 
Period," (unpublished Ph.D d i s se r ta t ion ,  University of Pennsylvania, 
1971), pp. 53, 58.
13" In i t i a t iv e  Campaign is About Ended," Western News, March 
3, 1914, p. I ;  "Dominick's View Same as Amalgamated," September 29, 
1914, p. I .  The Organizer of the Society of Equity, Dominick McQuire, 
c irculated pe t i t ions  for  compensation and farm loans. Later, changing 
his views, he wrote to members of the Society requesting tha t  they 
vote against  compensation, l e s t  they also be compelled to pay under 
i t s  provisions. See also: "Farmers Society Pass Resolutions Favoring 
Workmen's Compensation," October 27, 1914, p. I.
102
Bill ings;  Edward C. Russel of Lewistown and Theodore Lentz, the 
Missoula lawyer who was so helpful in the 1912 po l i t ica l  reform 
campaign.
Retailers were also interested in supporting farm loans which 
would provide c ircula t ing  capital among th e i r  customers. Independent 
businessmen joining the group were: James Holland of Holland and Son
in Havre and John Blewett of the Fromberg Mercantile Company.• .
Other new League members included: a young Republican, James
Jergenson, from Whitehall;  Charles E. Sacket t , Anaconda's court stenog­
rapher; and, ra ther  i ron ica l ly ,  Daniel J.  Donohue, doctor from 
Glendive and commander of the s ta te  m i l i t i a .  Only the year before 
the League had in i t i a t ed  the repeal of Donohue's Military Law.
New union members throwing their, lo t  with the League were:
John C. Lowney, the executive member of the Western Federation of 
Miners; 0. H- P- Shelley of Helena, State Manager of the Modern 
Brotherhood of America; Henry Drennan, President of D is t r i c t  #27 of 
the United Mine Workers; Hurburtus Corkish., a Butte miner; Oscar M. 
Par te low, Secretary of Carpenter 's Hall;  and Dennis Murphy, former 
President of the  Butte Miner's Union, who sponsored the compensation 
b i l l  in the 13th Assembly.
The new Executive Committee contained three newspaper ed i to rs ,  
nine lawyers, twelve union leaders, and six men in private  business or 
other occupations. Membership in 1914 included some 33,000 union
103
a f f i l i a t e d  laborers plus an undetermined number of o the rs , many from
the Montana State Grange and the Society of Equ i ty .^
In sp i te  of the larger  Executive Committee, the in i t i a t i v e
campaign proved to be more d i f f i c u l t  than in 1912. I t  was not until
June of 1914 tha t  Governor Sam V. Stewart announced tha t  the measures
would be included on the ba l lo t .  In the previous campaign the People's
Power League met with l i t t l e  opposition other than the negligence of
company newspapers in reporting i t s  a c t i v i t i e s .  In 1914, however, the
15opposition was r ea l ,  loud and c lear .
Romney claimed tha t  235 of Montana's 300 newspapers carried 
a r t i c l e s  against workmen's compensation as in i t i a ted  by the League.
The tex t  of these a r t i c l e s  was presented so as to convince the farmer 
tha t  as an employer of labor, the b i l l  would put him out of business. 
Workers were also alarmed by the prospect of the leg is la t ion  wrecking 
industry, and causing employers to seek other s ta tes  in which to 
locate . Romney suspected tha t  the editors  were getting th e i r  propa­
ganda from " . . .  the top f loor of the Hennessy building in Butte," 
the off ice  of the Anaconda Company, "which has a f a t  slush fund *12
^ "Fo r  State Farm Loans and Workmen's Compensation," Western 
News, September 12, 1913, p. I ;  "Two Bil ls  Proposed by Power League," 
May 13, 1913, p. I ;  Secretary of S ta te ,  In i t i a t iv e  F i le s ,  1914.
^"The Governor Submits the Bill to the People," Western News, 
June 5, 1914, p. I ; "Proclamation Issued for Farm Loans B i l l ," June
12, 1914, p. I .
104
attachment." The Montana Soc ia l i s t  alleged that  the slush fund 
amounted to $500,000.
Romney t r ied  to keep track of a l l  the charges and print  
rebut ta ls  in his Western News. In desperation over the volume of a n t i ­
compensation a r t i c l e s ,  he f ina l ly  warned the editors to read the 
corrupt practices act  passed by the people in 1912. Section 33 pro­
hibited publishers from printing paid matter to defeat any ". . . meas­
ure before the people . . . "  unless the person or organization buying
17the spaces was acknowledged.
About four months before the 1914 elect ion the anti-compensation 
crowd moved out into the open and formed the State of Montana Advance­
ment Association. The Association sent speakers a l l  over the s ta te ,  
but pa r t icu la r ly  to the farming communities, to f igh t  the proposed com­
pensation b i l l .
The friends of compensation immediately t r ied  to expose the 
financial power behind the new organization. The Western News, the 
Butte Soc ia l i s t  and.the Helena Progressive, especial ly ,  devoted time *
n  z-
“ "Farming is  Not an Extra-Hazardous Industry . . . ,"
Western News, October 20, 1914, p. I ;  "A Square Deal," September 23,
1913, p. 2; "Compensation and Suffrage," Montana S o c i a l i s t , as in 
Western News, August 25, 1914, p. I.
^"Another Lie Swatted," Western News, August 25, 1914, p. 2. 
Portions of th is  a r t i c l e  are quoted from the Great Falls  Tribune.
•105
and energy to determining who the members were and th e i r  connections 
with the Anaconda Copper Mining Company or i t s  subs id ia r ie s .18
The People's Power League did not have the financial resources 
to counter the damaging campaign of the State of Montana Advancement 
Association, so i t s  editors urged th e i r  readers through sa t i r e  not to 
take the Association seriously. They teased tha t  the Association 
would save the farmers from horrible  fa te  and destruction. As the 
Butte Soc ia l i s t  put i t ,  the company was l ike  11. . . the snake who 
swallowed the frog in order to protect  the frog from being annoyed 
by a f l y . " 19
Yet Romney believed tha t  the farmers would see through the 
company's se l f i sh  concern. He thought tha t  the voters would read the 
b i l l  and the League's information pamphlet carefully  and make up the i r  
own minds to support the measure. He argued confidently that :
I t  is well to know your enemies, also to know the fact  
tha t  cer tain  forces, are against  you, stamps your own work as 
economically sound and e th ica l ly  sane. I t  is  a good thing 
tha t  vicious in te res ts  and the lawless corporations should be 
a f f i l i a t e d  in e f fo r t s  to defeat whatever leg is la t ion  will
I O
Interview, Miles Romney, J r . ,  May 2, 1975; "Getting Ready 
to Fight the Compensation B i l l , "  Western News, August 11, 1914, p. 3; 
"Montana Farmer Must be. Rescued," Butte S o c i a l i s t , as in Western News, 
August 21, 1914, p. I ;  "Who Are They?" Helena Progressive, as in 
Western News, August 25, 1914, p. 2.
19
. "Montana Farmers Must be Rescued," Butte Soc ia l i s t ,  as in 
Western News, August 21, 1914, p. I .
benefit  the people as a whole. I t  makes them easier  to f igh t ,  
and i t  also proves to us that  there is  immeasurable value in 
good l e g i s l a t i o n .20
106
on
"Compensation and Suffrage," Montana S o c ia l i s t , as in 
Western News, August 25, 1914, p. I.
CHAPTER VII
"THE FIGHT . . .  HAS ONLY JOST BEGUN"
The progressive reforms of the People's Power League encoun­
tered an even more serious obstacle than tha t  posed by the State of 
Montana Advancement Association. On June I ,  1914, a f t e r  gathering his 
pe t i t ions ,  Romney delivered 120,000 copies of information pamphlets on 
the i n i t i a t i v e  measures to the secretary of s ta te  for  d is t r ibu t ion  to 
voters.  While he was about th is  business, he was called in to speak 
with Governor Stewart, Attorney General Daniel M. Kelly, and Secretary 
of State A. M. Alderson about the va l id i ty  of Montana's In i t i a t iv e  and 
Referendum Law.
Taking the i n i t i a t i v e ,  Kelly told  Romney tha t  cer tain  unnamed 
persons were questioning the law's va l id i ty  and tha t  he thought i t  
best to t e s t  the law before the next e lect ion.  Kelly explained that  
there were serious technical defects regarding the law's const i tu­
t iona l i ty .
In the f i r s t  place he claimed tha t  when the I & R or ig inally  
came up in the e lection of 1906, two of the s t a t e ' s  papers fai led to 
give i t  su f f ic ien t  "legal notice" as required by an amendment to the 
const i tu t ion .  Furthermore, Kelly pointed out, that  as I & R implied 
both leg i s la t iv e  and executive powers, i t  should be expressed in two 
separate amendments ra ther  than the present single one. And, f in a l ly .
108
Kelly f e l t  personally tha t  the cost of $100,000 per election was pro­
h ib i t ive  and exorbitant.
Romney regarded Kelly's jud ic ia l  ha i r sp l i t t ing  as nothing more
than a conspiracy to overthow the in i t i a t i v e s  of 1912 and 1914. If
there was such a p lo t .  Secretary Alderson claimed he would have nothing
to do with i t ,  and promised to ". . . proceed with the in i t i a t i v e
measures according to the law as i t  stands * regardless of an opinion
Ifrom the attorney general ."
Others besides Romney believed tha t  Kelly's action was a
company plot .  In ed i to r ia l s  calculated to foment public i r e ,  the
Missoulian jumped to the conclusion tha t  the elected 11. . . s ta te
o f f ice rs  have been selected to do the will of the inv is ib le  government
in th is  endeavor to defeat  the people's expressed w i l l . "  Romney
seconded the Missouiian 's  indictment of the Anaconda, and added tha t
the company's legal department has spent years searching for flaws in
the I & R or in i t s  operations. The f i l i n g  of compensation peti t ions
allegedly forced the company to attack the I & R in order to.prevent
2passage of the League's i n i t i a t i v e .
In response to Kelly's impending legal assaul t  on the I & R,
i
"Powerful Enemies of Popular Government . . . ," Western 
News, June 2, 1914, p. I .
^ I b id . ; "Is I t  a Last Ditch Stand?" Missouli an , as in Western 
News, June 2, 1914, p. 2.
109
Romney called a meeting of the People's Power League Executive Com­
mittee to be held June 5 a t  Butte in the Miner's Union Hall. The 
purpose of the special meeting was to.meet the challenge against  . . 
Montana's great body of progressive laws." The day prior  to the 
meeting Romney and Secretary Max McCusker received telegrams from 
Alderson requesting a conference the following day. Suspecting that  
the conference was another ploy to postpone the League meeting, Romney 
went on to Butte and sent McCusker to Helena to represent the League.
The Butte meeting was well underway when McCusker arrived to 
report  on the Helena conference. "Professing the utmost f r iendliness 
to the League . . . "  Stewart, Kelly and Alderson convinced McCusker 
tha t  the I & R was unconst i tut ional ,  and insis ted  tha t  the League 
s t a r t  court proceedings against  the law a t  once. The s ta te  o f f ic ia l s  
had led McCusker to believe tha t  the law was not valid until  i t  was , 
tes ted and proven otherwise. Even Alderson had backed down from his 
former stand due to the intimidation of the governor and attorney 
general.  They had warned him that  he personally would be responsible 
for  the cost of printing pamphlets on the i n i t i a t i v e  and referendum 
measures i f  he proceeded without th e i r  consent.
The Butte miners refused to accept McCusker's  decision to t ry
"Power League to Fight," Western News, June 2, 1914, p. I ;
"An Appeal to Patriotism to Resist Attack on I SR ,"  June 9, 1914, p. I
n o
the case. They believed tha t  Kelly was trying to convince the People's 
Power League to do his dirty-work for him. They considered the I & R 
valid as i t  stood, and were determined not to r isk  destroying themselves
as a League by tes t ing  and chancing losing the case.
. • ■'*
While the League i t s e l f  refused to bring a t e s t  case, those in 
attendance voted to prepare a defense in case someone e lse  did take i t  
•to court.  Romney explained tha t  11. . . since the s ta te  o f f i c i a l s  will 
not defend our cons t i tu t ion ,  i t  is up to th is  organizat ion."
The League had no funds with which to hire lawyers to defend , 
d i rec t  l eg i s la t ion ,  but i t  did have a battery of able men within i t s  
ranks, and others who would sympathize with i t s  cause. Accordingly, . 
the members voted to wire the following appeal to Thomas J.  Walsh and 
C. D. Nolan of Helena, Alex Mackel of Butte, Walter Hartman of Bozeman, 
Edwin K. Cheadle of Lewistown and Joseph M. Dixon of Missoulai 
Gentlemen:
Absolutely au thor i ta t ive  information having.come to the 
undersigned tha t  an attack upon the va l id i ty  of the in i t ia t ive  
and referendum clause of our s ta te  const i tu t ion ,  which would 
carry down with i t  our great body or progressive laws is already 
underway; we the undersigned unite in an appeal to each and all  
of you as leading representa t ives of the bar, the people, the 
several po l i t ica l  par t ies  and subdivisions thereof, to volunteer 
your services as a committee on jurisprudence to protect  and 
defend the r ights  of the people in the courts should the occasion 
a r i se .
mConfident tha t  you will respond to th is  p a t r io t i c  duty and 
bespeaking for you the grati tude of all  lovers of popular 
. government, we subscribe ourselves, most respectful ly .
The People's Power League.
While a l l  believed that  the Anaconda Company was behind th is  
challenge to the I & R, company lawyer C. F. Kelley denied any con­
nection or in te res t  in the matter.  Governor Stewart and Attorney 
General Kelly also claimed tha t  they had no personal involvement.
Romney and others took these denials a t  face value, and next suspected
c
the s t a t e ' s  lumbering in te res ts  of s ta r t ing  the whole thing.
When the case f in a l ly  appeared on the docket in early July, i t  
was R. G. Hay who challenged the cons t i tu t iona l i ty  of the 1906 i n i t i a ­
t ive  and referendum amendment. I f  the Anaconda Company or s ta te  
o f f i c i a l s  spurred him into action,  there was no evidence tha t  they did 
so. But in any case Hay did have a special concern in the matter.
Hay was a Helena saloonkeeper and pr izef igh t  promoter who backed the 
Kiley boxing law establishing a State  Athletic Commission. This law 
was to be presented to the people for a referendum vote in the fa l l  
e lect ion .  I f  the referendum fa i led  to overturn the law, or be tter
n
"An Appeal to Patriotism to Resist Attack on I & R," Western 
News, June 9, 1914, p. I .
^"An Appeal to Patriotism . . . , “ Western. News, June 9, 1914, 
p. I ;  "Helena Lawyer May Test I & R," June 12, 1914, p. I .
112
s t i l l , i f  the referendum were never held, Hay stood to gain finan­
c i a l l y . 6
The People's Power League had a battery of lawyers to defend 
the I & R, including Walsh, Nolan, Mackel, Cheadle, and Wellington D. 
Rankin, Republican from Helena. Hartman and Dixon did not appear for 
the League, but Dixon's Missoulian, as Romney put i t ,  ". . . set  the 
woods a f i re"  with his ed i to r ia l s  for the cause.
Miles Romney was granted the opportunity of addressing the 
court to prove to i t s  sa t is fac t ion  tha t  " . . .  not only had there been 
sub s tan t ia l , but l i t e r a l  performance in the matter of notices and 
advert is ing the e lec t ion ."  Then Judge Cheadle defended the concept of 
the I & R as one law. According to Cheadle's reasoning, without a 
referendum clause, an i n i t i a t i v e  law would be valueless.  A law could 
s t i l l  be in i t i a t ed  by the public,  but without the referendum i t  could
7
not be brought to a vote.
After lawyers from both sides presented th e i r  arguments, the 
court acknowledged minor i r r e g u la r i t i e s ;  but decided to uphold the
"The Big Case Up to the Supreme Court," Western News, July 10, 
1914, p. I .  Hay was also a member of the Gallatin Valley Anti- 
Consolidation League, opposed to Paris Gibson's i n i t i a t i v e  to consoli­
date the s ta te  university  system.
^"Romney is  Confident I & R will be Upheld," Western News,
July 10, 1914, p. I .  Twenty s ta tes  had the I & R as one amendment.
Only Nevada had the provisions in two laws. This s ta te  adopted the 
referendum eight years before i t  adopted the i n i t i a t i v e ;  "Cheadle 
Argues for  the I & R," Western News, July 14, 1914, p. I .
113
cons t i tu t iona l i ty  of the I & R. The court expressed the be l ie f  that  
"no rule of construction should be invoked which will trammel the 
people in th e i r  e f fo r ts  to exercise the r igh t  reserved to themselves
O
to change the const i tut ion by popular vote."
Romney was so elated over th is  decision tha t  he celebrated by 
covering the headline section of the Western News with the American 
eagle. "July 16 is  a red l e t t e r  day in Montana History":
The r ights  of the people have been upheld by the s t a t e ' s  
highest tribunal and a blow has been delivered which marks 
the end of the notorious b i -par t isan machine. For the assault  
upon th is  v i ta l  was, unquestionably and admittedly the l a s t  
di tch stand on the powers which have so long controlled Montana 
a f f a i r s .  q
The victory of the people is complete.
Having won the Hay case i t  appeared that  the road was clear  
ahead. Nevertheless,1 another road block i n t e r f erred with the workmen's 
compensation campaign and possibly even deal t  the death blow to the 
League i t s e l f .
On June 13, 1914, labor problems erupted in Butte, and lasted 
throughout the summer. In the midst of a very complicated labor 
s i tua t ion  some of the miners condemned Butte Union o f f i c i a l s  as being *
O
„ Reports of Cases Argued and Determined in the Supreme Court 
of the State  of Montana from March 18, 1914 to November 23, 1914, IL 
(San Francisco: Bancroft-Whitney Co., 1915), pp. 387-419. —
^"Montana is  a Free State . . . "  Western News, July 17, 1914, 
p. I ;  see also "The Amalgamated Bi-partisan Machine is Busted . .
"For L ife" ; "The People Rule," p. 2.
114
company agents. This was unlikely, as the union leaders had fought 
the company through the People's Power League since i t s  founding.
Others claimed tha t  the company arranged the violence in order to gain 
a more favorable contract  with the unions through the presence of the 
s ta te  m i l i t i a .  Another probable cause of the trouble was the Indus­
t r i a l  Workers of the World's opposition to a possible, merger of the 
Western Federation of Miners, and the United Mine Workers of America. 
Representatives of the l a t t e r  two groups, who incidently were also 
League members, part icipated in the Butte Miner's Union Day parade 
tha t  fe l l  apart in a scene of bloody violence. After private  c i t izens 
organized themselves for  defense, the national guard imposed martial 
law over the troubled c i ty .
The crowning blow to. the League came when the m i l i t i a  commander 
Daniel J.  Donohue arrested Butte 's  Soc ia l i s t  Mayor Lewis J.  Duncan for 
neglect of dut ies .  Both were League members.. Butte 's  League member­
ship s p l i t  between those sympathetic to the dissident miners and the
Soc ia l i s t  Mayor, and those who sought preservation of law and order
inand th e i r  property r igh ts .
^Vernon H. Jensen, Heritage of Conflict: Labor Relations in
the Nonferrous Metals Industry up to 1930 (Ithaca: Cornell University
Press, 1950), pp. 325-353; Norma Smith, "The Rise and Fall of the Butte 
Miner's Union, 1878-1914" (unpublished M.A. thes is ,  Bozeman: Montana
State University, 1961.); F i r s t  Biennial Report of the Department of 
Labor and Industry 1913-1914 (Helehal Independent Publishing Co., n.d.), 
pp. 32-33. .
1T5
Martial law in Butte raised yet another problem. Military 
leaders banned public gatherings in the c i ty ,  thus halt ing the campaign 
of the United Mine Workers for  workmen's compensation, a campaign that  
promised to consolidate the weak bonds between coal miners and hard 
rock miners in the s t a t e . ^
The presence of armed m il i t i a  a t  the polls  appeared to be the 
resu l t  of an obvious th rea t  to middle-class c i t izens ,  whose former 
sympathy for  the miners;now. changed to fear and suspicion. This mis­
t r u s t  was eas i ly  transferred to the People's Power League i t s e l f ,  
which claimed to have 33,000 union men in i t s  ranks.
Thus, in i t s  campaign of 1914., the League faced an impressive 
number of real problems: organized opposition by the State of Montana
Advancement Association; the legal b a t t l e  of the Hay case; the erosion 
of unity caused by the pro l i fe ra t ion  of other leagues; and f ina l ly  
the adverse e ffec ts  of Butte 's c iv i l  violence. These a l l  d is tracted 
public a t ten t ion  from the League's central concern, the leg is la t ing  
of social responsib i l i ty .
The cumulative e ffec t  of these adverse forces was to undermine 
party support for  the People's Power League. When the League 
approached the po l i t ica l  part ies  for endorsement of i t s  causes, i t s  
controversial reputation proved a serious l i a b i l i t y .  Neither the
^^"Coal Miners to Fight for Compensation," Western News,
August 25, 1914, p. I .
Democrats nor the Republicans were w i l l ing , to  go on record in support 
of the League and i t s  i n i t i a t i v e s ,  but preferred to remain aloof.
Only the Soc ia l i s t  and Progressive Republican Par t ies ,  organized or ig­
inal ly  as reform groups, continued to back the i n i t i a t i v e s .  But these
I p
part ies  represented only a small minority of the s t a t e ' s  voters.
In the elect ion of November, 1914, the people o f  the s ta te  
defeated the workmen's compensation i n i t i a t i v e  by a vote of 36,991 for 
and 44,275 against .  Of the ten counties which favored the measure, all  
were closely associated with the industr ies of mining and lumbering. 
Within the Bit teroot  Valley the jou rna l i s t ic  persuasion of Romney's 
Western News, Dixon's Missoulian and Fred Whiteside's Kalispell Bee 
played an effec t ive  role in collect ing favorable votes for  compen­
s a t io n .13
In the industr ia l  mining areas , of which Silver  Bow was the 
hub, the measure passed, but surprisingly only a scant 43 percent of 
the voters expressed a preference on the measure. Outside of Silver 
Bow in the agricultural  counties, Romney's " i r r e s i s t i b l e  farmer-laborer 
combination" did not materia l ize . This may be part ly  due to the *i
12"Progressives Endorse Compensation"; "Democrats Meet in 
Helena . . . ," Western News, September 15, T914, p. I ;  "Social is ts  of 
Montana for I n i t i a t iv e  B i l l s ,"  September 18, 1914, p. I ;  "Senator Dixon 
Riddles Anti-Compensation Crowd," October 2, 1914, p. 2.
i 3
0E ll is  Waldron, An Atlas of Montana Pol i t ic s  Since 1864 
(Missoula: Montana State University Press, 1958); p. 153.
116
117
an t i - labor  sentiment resul t ing from the violence in Butte, and part ly 
because of the inundation of the State of Montana Advancement Asso­
cia tion propaganda. The old ideology of se lf -help  reigned supreme, 
and the farmer f e l t  no moral obligation to the wage earner, especially 
since the farmer was an employer of labor.
As for  the League's standing, the elect ion resulted in only 
part ia l  success. The farm loans i n i t i a t i v e  which i t  adopted from the 
State Non-Partisan Direct Legislation League passed by a wide margin 
of 45,162 for  arid 27,780 against.  The working class voters de f in i te ly  
favored the farmers on th is  issue, even i f  only in hopes of returned 
support.  The four counties tha t  did not pass the i n i t i a t i v e  were all  
ag r icu l tu ra l ly  o r ien ted .1^
This opposition to farm loans may seem ironic a t  f i r s t  glance, 
but these counties , Broadwater, Galla t in ,  Madison and Park, were the 
old established farming communities. Settled during the f i r s t  gold 
rush to the region, these counties grew up with an expanding t e r r i to ry  
during a period of limited transporta t ion when agricultural  produce 
was as valuable as the nuggets found in Montana's streams. As r e s i ­
dents of the f i r s t  breadbasket, s i tuated in lush, green, well-watered 
valleys, the voters had nothing in common with the newly-arrived, often
14Waldron, p. 154.
Map I.  Workmen's Compensation In i t i a t iv e  1914
for  36,991 I  against 44,2.75
Map 2. Farm Loans In i t i a t iv e  1914
EZZlfor 45-162 against 27*780
120
foreign-born homesteaders. They had made th e i r  own way in commercial
agriculture  in Montana, and they expected the newcomers to do the 
15 -same.
The limited support of the League in 1914, and the fac t  that  
i t  fa i led  to sustain i t s e l f  as an organization, suggests a decline in 
progressivism in the s ta te  since the 1912 election.  Actually, the 
whole idea of leg is la t ing  social responsib i l i ty  was much more radical 
and complicated than the issue of po l i t ica l  reform. Many voters 
probably realized the need for the leg is la t ion  to deal with the 
expense of industr ia l  accidents,  but were confused by company propa­
ganda, and possibly unwilling to go as fa r  as the League's in i t i a t i v e  
provisions. Benjamin Parke DeWitt explained the division in yet 
another way;
. . . the friends of progress are frequently the enemies 
of each other ,  largely through lack of mutual understanding 
and a fa i lu re  to rea l ize  tha t  they stand for p rac t ica l ly  the 
same fundamental things J 6 15
15Dr. Robert Dunbar, Professor Emeritus, Montana State 
University, an authority  on water r ights  in the west, has found that  
a l l  the old agricul tural  communities where water and climate conditions 
are favorable tend to be conservative and Republican. This division 
between old and new farmers explains a t  l eas t  one reason why Montana 
farmers were not well organized and p o l i t i c a l ly  in f lu en t ia l .
^Benjamin Parke.DeWitt, The Progressive Movement: A Non-
Part isan, Comprehensive Discussion of Current Tendencies in American 
Pol i t ic s  ( (c) 1915, Seatt le  and London: University of Washington Press,
1968), p. V i i i .
121
To union laborers within the People's Power League the resu l ts  
of the election may have, signaled a devastating fa i lu re .  To,the 
League's President, however, there was no such word as defeat.
Refusing to admit tha t  the i n i t i a t i v e  had not passed, Romney announced 
"Compensation wins I . . . did not the Amalgamated Advancement Asso­
cia tion pledge themselves, honor br ight ,  to enact a workmen's compen­
sation law a t  the next session of the leg is la ture?"
Reasoning tha t  because women could vote in the next e lection,  
and because the farmers would have Tow-interest loans and be less 
concerned about money, the public would accept compensation. For, 
Romney wrote, "Montana has j u s t  experienced the grea tes t  educational 
„ campaign in her h is tory ."
The i n i t i a t i v e  and referendum are here to stay and 
Montana folks are rapidly becoming quite prof ic ien t  in the 
use of these tools- -b ig  slush funds and a muzzled press to 
the contrary notwithstanding.
Bring on the Turkey!^
17"Fate of Men and Measures S t i l l  Shrouded in Doubt," Western 
News, November 10, 1914, p. I ;  "Woman Suffrage and Farm Loans Wins," 
November 13, 1914, p. I ; "Compensation Wins," November 13, 1914, p. 2. 
The People's Power League took no stand on the issue of woman suffrage, 
but Romney was ready to claim th e i r  support as soon as the const i tu­
tional  amendment passed. As for compensation, on November 6th and IOth 
Romney be l ieved . i t  had passed. In sp i te  of the expressed optimism, he 
was seriously concerned. In "The Vote on Compensation . . . ,"
December 29, 1914, p. 3, Romney suspected the resu l ts  of the election 
had "been juggled" and "compensation has been defeated through misrep­
resentation and f raud ." .
CHAPTER V III
THE AFTERMATH: REACTION AND RESTORATION
I t  is  not yet possible to evaluate fu l ly  the impact of the 
People's Power League on Montana's po l i t ica l  history. The de ta i l s  
necessary for  such an in te rpre ta t ion  go fa r  beyond the range of th is  
study. More research is  needed to discover the outcome of the League 
introduction of leg is la t ing  social respons ib i l i ty ,  and the resul ts  of 
i t s  reform of the po l i t ica l  process. But the information presented 
here on the People's Power League and i t s  reforms inval idates the 
older assumption tha t  progressivism was negligible in the State of 
Montana. Some information concerning the immediate aftermath, the 
reaction and res tora t ion  of the po l i t ica l  reforms, is c lear .  The 
issues pursued by the League will be b r ie f ly  summarized in his torical  
context in order to o ffer  a ten ta t ive  conclusion as to the value of 
the People's Power League's contributions. These highlights  hope­
fu l ly  will encourage fur ther  research on these major issues.
The success of the People's Power League's 1914 farm loans 
i n i t i a t i v e  was short- l ived.  In March of the following year Attorney 
General Kelly gave his opinion tha t  the law . . in i t s  en t i re ty ,  
inoperative and void." Possibly in anticipation of th i s  reaction,  
Fred Whiteside pushed another similar  farm loans law through the 1915 
leg is la tu re .  Whiteside's farm loans law was quickly challenged
123
before the s ta te  supreme court on the grounds that  i t  was " . . .
obnoxious class  l eg is la t ion ."  The court refused to subs t i tu te  i t s
judgment for  the voice of the people, and upheld the law, but declared
unconstitutional an appropriation clause to underwrite the s t a t e ' s
c red i t .  Late in 1916 the court also reversed the attorney general 's
opinion of the People's Power League farm loans, and the s ta te  had two
farm.loan programs in force simultaneously. By 1917 the s ta te  had
further  stretched i t s  c red i t  by investing in the federal farm loans 
Iprogram. .
The issue of the League's social responsib i l i ty  program to aid 
the farmers had gradually gained popular acceptance. But l i t t l e  did 
the League or other supporters of farm loans rea l ize  tha t  th e i r  pro­
gram would bring the s ta te  to the verge of financial ruin. During the I
I "Text of In i t i a t iv e  Farm Loans . . . Now Threatened by the 
Privilege Seeking In te re s t s , "  Western News, January 15, 1915, p. 3; 
'Governor Stewart and State Farm Loans," January 19, 1915, p. 2; "Farm 
Loans Void Says General. Kelly, . . . "  March 12, 1915, p. I ;  Laws, 
Resolutions and Memorials of the State of Montana Passed by the 14th 
Regular Session of the Legislative Assembly 1915 (Helena: State Pub­
lishing Co., 1915), pp. 486-491; "Notice Given of Senate and House 
B i l ls  . . . ," Kali spell Bee, January 12, 1915, p. 2; "Farm Loans Bill" 
February 5, 1915, p. 2; "Compensation Bill Passed House, Whiteside 
Farm Loans Bill . . . ," February 19, 1915, p. I ; Senate Journal of the 
Fourteenth Legislative Assembly of the State of Montana 1915 (Helena: 
State  Publishing Co., 1915), pp. 36, 502; Laws, Resolutions and Memor­
ia l s  . . . 1915, p. 36; Reports of Cases Argued and Determined in the 
Supreme Court of the State of Montana from January 24, 1916 to November 
TO, 1916 LU (San Francisco: Bancroft-Whitney Co., 1916), pp. 378-391 ;
Reports of Cases . . . from November 10, 1916 to May 31, 1917 LTlI, pp. 
18-32.
years of abundant harvests and great demand for agricultural  produce, 
a price cei ling on grain,denied the quick p rof i ts  expected by farmers.. 
After World War I declining prices accompanied by severe drought bank­
rupt most of Montana's homesteaders. The s ta te  foreclosed on.mortgages, 
but did not pay o f f  th is  monstrous debt completely until  1958. The 
resources of the s ta te  were too small to deal with f inancial d isaster  
on such a massive scale. The League in i t i a t ed  loans pr ior  to the 
federal farm loan program, but only on a national scale could ,such a
program work, When d isas te r  struck one portion of the country, i t s
2
losses could be covered by prosperous harvests in another section.
Gaining popular acceptance for  social responsib i l i ty  to the 
working class  was a fa r  more d i f f i c u l t  problem. The League fa i led  to 
leg i s la te  workmen's compensation in 191.4, but the law promised by the 
State of Montana Advancement Association was no more of a success. . 
Although the leg is la tu re  passed the company's b i l l  in 1915, workers 
stood the en t i re  cost of compensation, while taxpayers paid the cost 
of administration.  Employers escaped.almost sco t - f ree  with a meager 2
2Richard Brown Boeder, "Montana In the Early Years of the 
Progressive.Period" (Unpublished Rh.D d is se r ta t ion .  University of 
Pennsylvania, 1971), p. 229: Interview, Miles Romney, J r . ,  May 2,
1975; Senate Journal of the Fifteenth Legislative Assembly of the 
State of Montana 1917. (Helena: State Publishing Co., 1917), SB38, p.
76; Laws, Resolutions and Memorials of the State of Montana Passed by 
the Fifteenth Regular Session of the Legislative Assembly 1917 (Helena: 
State Publishing Cd., 1917), p. 3. i ‘
125
$5 to $50 fee for  safety inspections. The law was optional ,  not man­
datory, and an employer could choose to sue in court under the old 
1903 l i a b i l i t y  Taw, retaining all  the old-time defenses. The union's 
made numerous attempts to amend the compensation law through the 
l eg i s la tu re ,  and f in a l ly  in 1920 they circula ted pe t i t ions  for a new 
law. Again, due to industr ia l  s t r i f e  and fur ther  complications aris ing 
out of the "Red Scare." the unions fa i led  to get  public support to put 
the measures on the ba l lo t .  After years of corruption and fraud 
surrounding the administration of workmen's compensation, the 1975 
leg is la tu re  se t  up a new workingmen's compensation law. The resu l ts
3of th is  new program will hopefully be the subject of h is to r ica l  study.
Senate Journal . . . 1915, p. 397; Laws, Resolutions aind 
Memorials . . . 1915, 168-218; "Compensation Holds Attention of Solons," 
Western News, January 22, 1915, p, I ;  "Elective or Compulsory,"
February 9, 1915, p. 2; "Test Vote in House Against Kelly B i l l , "  Feb­
ruary 19, 1915, p. I ;  "Compensation in Name Only," February 23, 1915, 
p. I ;  "A Counterfeit Bill Says Senator Kane,: March 12, 1915, p. I;
"A Counterfeit Bill . . . ," Western News, March 12, 1915, p. I ;  "The 
Governor Vetos Leighton Law," Western News, March 2, 1915, p. 2; "Com­
pensation Bill Passes the House 69-24,1 Kalispell Bee, February 19,
1915, p. I ;  Second Biennial Report: Department of Labor and Industry:
State of Montana 1915-191-6 (Helena: Independent Publishing Co., n . d . ) ,
p. 8; Secretary of S ta te ,  I n i t i a t iv e  F i les ,  1920; Robert K. Murray,
Red Scare: A Study in National Hysteria , 1919-1920 (Minneapolis: Uni-
vers i ty  of Minnesota Press, 1955); Arnon Gutfeld, "The Murder of Frank 
L i t t l e :  Radical Labor Agitation in Butte, Montana 1917," Labor History,
X (Spring, 1969), pp. 177-192; Reports of Cases . . .1916  LU, pp. 6- 
12, 75; Montana Rules, Classif icat ions and Rates For Workmen's Com­
pensation and Occupational Disease (Helena: 3 Reporter Printing Co.,
1971); Interim Study By the Select Committee on Workmen's Compensation 
(He!enal Montana Legislative Council  ^ 1974). The Journals and Laws 
of the 1975 session were not avai lable a t  the time of th i s  study.
126
Aside from the problems the League faced re la t ive  to leg is ­
la t ing  social respons ib i l i ty ,  i t s  grea tes t  achievements were the 
po l i t ica l  reforms of 1912. Although these reforms met no serious 
opposition, a t  f i r s t ,  the reaction to amend or repeal them began as 
ear ly as 1915. Apparently the leg is la to rs  were mostly reluctant  to 
t inker  with the people's laws, as they remained in tac t  through 1918. 
Prior to the 1919 sess ion, however, Romney's old dream of a farmer- 
labor po l i t ica l  coal i t ion threatened to become a nightmare for the 
po l i t ic ians  in o ff ice .  A group of radical farmers were courting rad i ­
cal labor support under, the t i t l e  of the Non-Partisan League. Their 
combined voting strength could e ffec t ive ly  dominate the primaries and 
throw the established po l i t ic ians  out of the race. In an attempt to 
curb th is  new th rea t  the 1919 assembly repealed the primary, p res i ­
dential primary, six sections of the corrupt practices ac t ,  and even 
amended the I & R. The law required tha t  an amendment to the const i­
tution be voted upon by the people, and, fortunately there were enough 
progressives in the leg is la tu re  in i n s i s t  tha t  the other  repeals have 
a public referendum also. The date for these referendums was set for 
September, 1919.^
"The Reactionaires Failed," Western News, March 23, 1915, p . 2 
House Journal of the Fifteenth Legislative Session of the State of 
Montana 1917 (Helena: State Publishing Co., 1917), p. 7, HB8, p. 36,
HB434, pp. 459, 600, HB288, p. 280; Senate Journal . . . 1917, SB62, 
p. 114; Fourth Biennial Report of the Department of Labor and Industry 
1919-1920 (Helena: Independent Publishing Co., n . d . ),  pp. 11-48;
127
. Governor Stewart, in a move to by-pass such a referendum and 
to fo res ta l l  a primary elect ion in 1920, called a special session of 
the l eg is la tu re .  Acquiesing to Stewart 's wishes the special session 
repealed the 1912 laws outr ight without cal ling for a referendum oh 
the repeal. I t  j u s t i f i e d  i t s  high-handed policy by declaring the 
leg is la t ion  ". . . to be an emergency law necessary for the immediate 
preservation of the public, peace and s a f e ty . " But the s t a t e ' s  voters 
had learned how to use th e i r  own power through the People's Power . 
League, and the people refused to take th is  l eg i s la t ive  coup without 
a f igh t .  Suffic ient  pe t i t ion  signatures were gathered not only to 
cause a referendum on the repeals ,  but enough even to hold the repeals 
inoperative until  a f t e r  the referendum. In the general elect ion of
"Who's Who in the Nonpartisan League: Also a compilation of quotations
from persons and publications fr iendly  to the League" (2nd ed. Helena: 
Montana Loyalty League, 1919); "How a Group of Radical Social is ts  
Planned a Campaign to Unite Farmers, Workers, Dreamers With 'Red' 
S o c i a l i s t s " ; "Nonpartisan League Secretary Writes Secretary of IWW," 
Helena Independent, February 16, 1919, p. I ; House Journal of the 
Sixteenth Legislative Assembly of the State of Montana 1919 (Helena: 
State  Publishing Co., 1919), p. 13, HB143, p. 146, HB147, p. 153,
HB233, p. 258, HB234, p. 258, HB268, p. 339, HB290, p. 363, HB403, p. 
461; Senate Journal of the Sixteenth Legislative Assembly of the State 
of Montana 1919 (Helena: State  Publishing Co., 1919), SB42, p. lOO,
SB!24, p. 243, SB!28, p. 243, SB176, p. 363; Laws, Resolutions and 
Memorials of the State of Montana Passed by the Sixteenth Regular 
Session of the Legislative Assembly 1919 (Helena: State  Publishing
Co., 1919), pp. 161-162, 214; "Primary Bill is  Thru House After 
Wrangle," Helena Independent, March I ,  1919, p. I ;  Laws, Resolutions 
and Memorials of the State  of Montana Passed a t  the Tenth Regular 
Session of the Legislative Assembly 1907 (Helena: State  Publishing
Company, 1907), p. 125.
128
1920 the voters wiped out the destruction of the 1919 special assembly 
and restored the 1912 reforms in i t i a t ed  by the People's Power League.^ 
The salvaging of the primary laws in 1920 demonstrates that  
•the League's "educational campaign" increased public awareness, for the 
voters knew how to exert t h e i r  power over the leg is la tu re .  I t  also 
a t t e s t s  to the public fa i th  in the primary elect ion as a. means of 
controlling the s t a t e ' s  po l i t ica l  future,, even though no dras t ic  
changes had been witnessed through i t s  use. In yet another respect,  
the 1920 elect ion re i t e r a te s  the theory tha t  progressives coined them­
selves thus according to issues,  ra ther  than an all-encompassing p la t ­
form. Progressives united, to pass the reform measures in 1912, each 
believing tha t  the laws would increase his po l i t ica l  power, then sp l i t ,  
on the issues of compensation and farm loans in 1914. Similarly they 
s p l i t  again in 1920. In i t i a t iv e  pe t i t ions  c ircula ted tha t  year , 
possibly even by the same group tha t  sponsored the referendums, were 5
5House and Senate Journals of the Extraordinary Session of the 
Sixteenth Legislative Assembly of the State of Montana 1919 (Helena: 
State Publishing Co., 1910), SB30 and 32, pp. 54, 114, 128, 191; Laws, 
Resolutions and Memorials of the State of Montana Passed by the Extra­
ordinary Session of the Sixteenth Legislative Assembly.1919 (Helena: 
State  Publishing Co., 1919), pp. 74-85; Secretary of S ta te ,  Referendum 
Fi les ,  1920, Ref #15 and 16; E l l is  Waldron, An Atlas of Montana Poli­
t i c s  Since 1864 (Missoula: Montana State University Press, 1958),
pp. 174-175, 186, 219, 376.
129
unable to accumulate su f f ic ien t  support to get workmen's compensation 
on the ballot.® .
The elect ion of 1920 is su f f ic ien t  not only in respect to the 
people's protection of the primary laws, but especially  in the i r  . 
a b i l i t y  to use them. The candidates chosen for the governor's race 
were neither company men, nor hard-core party regulars;  they were the 
people's choice. Only a primary election made possible the nomination 
of such independent progressives as Burton K. Wheeler and Joseph NI. 
Dixon for the gubernatorial race. In l a t e r  elections other  such 
Montanans without party or company backing have u t i l ized  the primary 
to garner public support. A few of these well-known personal i t ies
7include James E. Murray, Jerry O'Connell, John Evans, and Lee Metcalf.
In the years following the f i r s t  world war, popularized as the 
"return to normalcy," the pres ident ia l  preference was again the subject 
of leg is la t ive .d ismantl ing .  Unable to withstand the. opposition, former 
People's Power League member E. H. Goodman of Townsend, amended, the 
leg is la t ion  in include a referendum on the repea l . Presidential 
preference primaries had never regained the urgency i t  had in 1912
bArthur Mann, ed. The Progressive Era: Major Issues of In te r ­
pretation (2nd e d . , HinsdaTe, I l l i n o i s :  Dryden Press, 1975), p. 31;
Secretary of State ,  In i t i a t iv e  F i les ,  1920, In i t .  #17.
^Waldron, p. 175;.Doris Ward, "The Montana Elections of 1920: 
The.Role of Burton K.. Wheeler" (unpublished seminar report ,  Montana 
State University, 1968), p. 3; Interview, Miles Rommey, J r . ,  May 2,
:1975.V
130
when Roosevelt lo s t  his bid for the Republican nomination. As a s ta te  
with few e lec tor ia l  votes, Montana fa i led  to a t t r a c t  major personal­
i t i e s  who would f i l e  for  the primary elect ion.  The extra expense of 
two primaries, coupled with a lack of in te res t  from within and without 
the s t a t e ,  convinced the voters to go along with the repeal of 1924.8
I t  was not until  1956 tha t  Montana held another presidential  
primary. In tha t  year both the presidentia l and s ta te  primaries were 
held together in June. The combination eliminated extra expense, but 
as before, major presidentia l  contenders did not bother to enter the 
race. The leg is la tu re  repealed the act  before the next e lection.  In 
1974 the leg is la tu re  revived the presidentia l  primary, and the f i r s t  
e lection will be held in June of 1976. I t  is d i f f i c u l t  to predict the 
outcome of such a primary, but the s i tua t ion  has not changed much since 
1924. S t i l l  a s ta te  of small e lec tor ia l  votes, the prospects for 
a t t rac t ing  presidentia l  hopefuls are not great .  As with farm loans and *1
8House Journal of the Eighteenth Legislative Assembly of the 
State of Montana 1923 (Helena: State Publishing Co., 1923), HB8, pp.
11 ,. 186, 231 ; Waldron, pp. 155, 174, 210. The Presidential Preference 
Primary was repealed by a referendum vote of 77,948 fo r ,  and 57,540 
against .
131
direc t  elect ion of senators,  the presidentia l  primary requires reform
g -
on the national l e v e l . ..
To imply tha t  Montana had no progressive movement, or to deny 
tha t  i t  was of.consequence, is to ignore, the h is to r ic  importance of 
the People's Power League. The League was the f i r s t  group successfully 
to make use of the I & R clause of the const i tu t ion .  The League accom­
plished the f i r s t  major overhaul of the po l i t ica l  process of the s ta te  
with i n i t i a t i v e  laws for d i rec t  election of senators., presidentia l and 
vice presidentia l  primary, and especial ly  the d i rec t  primary elect ion. 
The League also can be credited with the f i r s t  serious attempt to clean 
up po l i t i c s  in the s ta te  with the corrupt practices ac t .  And of equal 
importance, the League recognized and advocated leg i s la t iv e  social 
responsib i l i ty  in the drive for farm loans and workmen's compensation.
. From 1911 to 1914 the People's Power League formed a se l f -  
appointed, constant vigilance committee, keeping track of important 
leg is la t ion  within the s ta te  and nation. I t  cumulated and published 
data re la t ive  to major issues and informed the public of the problems 
and th e i r  power to deal with them. The League's program was the f i r s t  9
9Senate Journal of the Thir ty- th ird  Legislative Assembly of 
The State of Montana 1953 (Helena: State  Publishing Co., 1953), SB207
pp. 96, 557; Waldron, p. 375; Laws, Resolutions and Memorials of the 
State of Montana Passed by the Thir ty-sixth Legislative Assembly in " 
Regular Session 1959 (Helena: State Publishing Co., 1959), pp. 676-
679; "Montana Election '76: a peek a t  the fu ture,"  Bozeman Chronicle,
June 8, 1975, pp. I , 8.
132
major attempt of a po l i t i c a l ly  oriented group to form a. posit ive pro­
gram to implement solutions to problems.
The League's success in accomplishing i t s  goals of pol i t ica l  
reform may be seen, from an h is tor ica l  standpoint,  as a substancial 
challenge to company power in Montana. Thus the information revealed 
in th is  study should bring us to a re-evaluation of the history of 
progressivism in the s ta te .  Yet, i ron ica l ly ,  while research on the 
People's Power League forces us to refute  a t rad i t ional  in te rpre ta t ion ,  
the League i t s e l f  played a substant ial role  in creating the same t r a d i ­
tional  view of Montana po l i t i c s .  I t  did th is  by perpetuating the myth . 
of an a l l  powerful company tha t  kept a strangle-hold on the s t a t e ' s  
po l i t i c s .  The League was not the original  source of th is  myth, which 
began before the turn of the century and continues today, but i t s  
propaganda gave tremendous impetus to the notion.
According to the progressive League leaders,  the company 
defeated the wholesome reform measures in the leg is la tu re  through an 
a b i l i t y  to hand pick the representatives in the nominating conventions. 
This cry of company rule and corruption served as a ra l ly ing point for 
a l l  c i t izens  who wanted a voice in po l i t ica l  a f f a i r s ,  or who desired 
to clean up s ta te  po l i t i c s .
In the past ,  the company had become a scapegoat for all  that  
was evil in a moral is t ic  society. Blinded to the real problems of an 
expanding s ta te ,  the greater  e f fo r ts  were expended denouncing the
133
company, ra ther  than coming to grips with i t .  With-a program for po l i t ­
ical reform, the League struck a blow a t  the base of the company power.
The fa i lu re  of the workmen's compensation i n i t i a t i v e ,  the 
f ight  against  farm loans, and the reaction to the po l i t ica l  reforms 
l a t e r  in the decade, a l l  suggest tha t  the League was not en t i re ly  
successful in i t s  a ttack upon the established power. Yet the defeat 
of the reaction within the leg is la tu re  shows tha t  th e i r  power was con­
siderable.
League members never distinguished between conservative oppo­
s i t ion  and company power. Without knowledge of personal ideologies or 
corporate connections i t  is  d i f f i c u l t  to make such a d is t inc t ion  from 
be t te r  than a half-century vantage point.  This leaves the alleged 
monolithic power of the company as an enigma. Perhaps one day the 
papers of the Anaconda Copper Mining Company can be studied to 
determine the extent of th e i r  control over Montana's po l i t i c s .  Then, 
the accomplishments of the People's Power League can be re-evaluated in 
l igh t  of a d i f fe ren t  perspective.
CONCLUSION
The People's Power League was a group of concerned c it izens who 
organized in 1911 to i n i t i a t e  laws to reform the po l i t ica l  process.
The term "People's" s ignif ied  a membership which included Democrats, 
Republicans, Progressives, Soc ia l i s t s ,  and Laborites. Professionally 
they were newspapermen, lawyers, judges, bankers, doctors, merchants, 
public employees, farmers, cattlemen, and union laborers.  With repre­
sentat ives from each county, they succeeded in gaining signatures to 
place four i n i t i a t i v e s  on the 1912 ba l lo t .
These four measures, the f i r s t  under Montana's const itut ional  
amendment.for  the i n i t i a t i v e  and referendum, were: d i rec t  elect ion of
senators,  d i rec t  primary e lect ion ,  presidentia l  and vice presidentia l . 
preference primary, and a corrupt practices act .  These laws were 
designed to remove po l i t ica l  power from special corporate in te res ts  and 
th e i r  servants,  and give i t  to the people. The four to one support 
received by the League's leg is la t ion  in the 1912 election demonstrated 
the a b i l i ty  of the issues to transcend economic, p o l i t i c a l ,  and geo­
graphic divisions within the s ta te .
The po l i t ica l  reform laws of the League were neither  new nor 
radical .  These measures were f i r s t  introduced, to the leg is la tu re  by 
the Populist or People's Party two decades e a r l i e r .  Gradually, the . 
issues gained popular acceptance, while the leg is la to rs  continued to 
r e s i s t  laws tha t  would l imit  the prerogative of the party convention
135
leaders who placed them in power. The program of the League was but to 
unite the. people already favoring the leg is la t ion  and to provide the 
Vehicle through which the pe t i t ions  for  reform were c irculated.
In 1914 the direction of the League changed to leg is la t ion  of 
social respons ib i l i ty .  Industr ial  accidents had caused such serious 
deprivations tha t  the League sponsored a workmen's compensation act  to 
a l l ev ia te  dis tressed conditions. In the same year the group also 
in i t i a t ed  a law for  low in te res t  loans to help Montana's new home­
steaders es tab l ish  themselves in agricul ture .
These two issues were r e la t ive ly  new in Montana, and had not 
experienced the public i ty  tha t  could lead to general acceptance. The 
campaign was not ju s t  an e f fo r t  to unite support and c i rcu la te  p e t i ­
t ions ,  but one of propoganda to persuade voters to take on a new 
responsib i l i ty .
The leaders of the People's Power League believed tha t  the two 
in i t i a t i v e s  were an " i r re s i s tab le  combination," and tha t  they would 
coalesce farmer and labor elements behind th e i r  organization. This was 
not the case. The Anaconda Copper Mining Company fought workmen's 
compensation by turning farmers against i t .  The farmer was, as the 
company reminded him, an employer of labor.
The compensation i n i t i a t i v e  was defeated in the general 
e lec t ion ,  pa r t ly  due to the impact of the company's adverse public i ty ,  
but also because of radical labor problems which resulted in martial
136
law in Montana's la rges t  industria l  c i ty .  The voters looked upon the 
working class not as c i t izens  who needed the i r  support, but as the 
enemy from whom they needed protection.
The workingmen, however, did not desert  the farmers on the farm 
loans measure, which succeeded, in becoming Taw. . The opinion of the 
attorney general tha t  the law was unconstitutional sparked a rash o f  
new leg is la t ion  and court b a t t l e s ,  leading to the ultimate acceptance 
and practice of the law. ■ The League considered the farm loans law a 
major victory, but i t s  provisions were hardly su f f ic ien t  to aid the. 
farmers through the period of drought tha t  spread across the s ta te .
The rhetor ic  of the League indicates tha t  they were fighting 
what they believed was the po l i t ica l  domination of the s ta te ,by  cor­
porate power. Measured by th e i r  own standards, the League was suc­
cessfu l ,  especial ly  in the.adoption of the primary election law. Many 
of Montana's po l i t ic ians  have risen to position of t r u s t  through the 
people's support and without company or party backing. This was not . 
possible under the old convention system.
As a progressive organization the League's support in 1912 
was d i rec t ly  rela ted  to the issues of po l i t ica l  reform. Regardless . 
of c la ss ,  party or economic s ta tu s ,  the voters believed pol i t ica l  
reform would increase th e i r  power a t  the ba l lo t  box. The program of 
the League was well organized and c lear  cut.. The purpose was to
decrease the power of the company in the s t a t e ' s  po l i t ica l  a f fa i rs  and 
make the representa t ives.responsible  to the people who elected them.
According to the progressive t r ad i t ion ,  the reform of 1914 was 
designed to aid specif ic  segments of society, yet not a t  the expense 
of a l l . Such laws were opposed as "obnoxious class l e g i s l a t i o n . " The 
idea of leg is la t ing  social responsib i l i ty  was alien to a s ta te  of 
tremendous natural wealth, whose s e t t l e r s  had always made i t  on. the i r  
own. '
In retrospect  the s ign if ican t  contribution of the People's 
Power League was i t s  reform of the po l i t ica l  process in 1912. For 
t h i s ,  the League deserves a position in the history of the State of 
Montana. .
137
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145
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Clinch, Thomas A. Urban Populism and Free Silver in Montana, A Narrative 
of Ideology in Pol i t ica l  Action. . Missoula: University of
Montana Press, 1970.
Connolly, Christopher P. The Devil Learns to Vote, the Story of 
. Montana. New York: Covici, Friede, 1938.
Glasscock, Carl B. The War of the Copper Kings, Builders of Butte and 
Wolves of Wall S treet .  New York & Indianapolis: The Bobbs- 
Merrill Co., 1935.
Hargreaves, Mary Wilma. Dry Farming in the Northern Great P la ins , 
1900-1925. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1957.
Hicks, John D. The Populist Revolt: A History of the Farmers' Alliance
and the People's Party . Minneapolis: The University of
Minnesota Press, 1931.
Howard, Joseph. Kinsey. Montana: High, Wide, and Handsome. New Haven:
Yale University Press, 1943.
Jensen, Vernon H. Heri tage  of Conflict:  Labor Relations in the
Nonferrous Metals Industry up to 1930. I thaca : Cornell
University Press, 1950.
Karlin, Jules A. Joseph M. Dixon of Montana. Pt. I :  Senator and Bull
Moose Manager 1867-1917. Missoula: University of Montana
Publications in History, 1974. ,
Mann, Arthur, ed. The Progressive Era: Major Issues of In te rp re ta t ion .
2nd ed. Hinsdale, I l l i n o i s :  Dryden Press, 1975.
Morl.an, Robert L. Po l i t ica l  Pra ir ie  Fire: The Non,partisan League,
1915-1922. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1955.
148
Murray, Robert K. Red Scare: A,Study in National Hysteria, 1919-1920.
Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1955.
0 'Keane, Josephine. Thomas J.  Walsh: A Senator From Montana.
Francetown, New Hampshire: Marshall Jones Co., 1955.
Saloutos, Theodore, and Hicks, John D. Agricultural Discontent in the 
. Middle West 1900-1939. Madison: University of Wisconsin
Press, 1951.
Smurr, J.  W. and Toole, K. Ross, eds. Historical Essays on Montana and 
the Northwest. Helena: Western Press, 1957.
Toole, K. Ross. Montana: An Uncommon Land. Norman: University of
Oklahoma Press, 1959.
________ . Twentieth Century Montana: A State of Extremes. Norman:
University of Oklahoma Press, 1972.
Waldron, E l l i s .  An Atlas of Montana Po l i t ic s  Since 1864. Missoula: 
Montana State University Press, 1958.
Wiebe, Robert H. The Search for Order 1877-1920. New York: Hi11 &
Wang, 1967.
B. Articles
Bates, J.  Leonard. 11T. J.  Walsh: Foundation of a Senatorial Career."
The Montana Magazine of History, I (October, 1951), 23-34.
. "Thomas J.  Walsh: His ‘Genius for Controversy.1" Montana the *
Magazine of Western History, XIX (October, 1969), 2-15.
Filene, Peter G. "An Obituary for 'The Progressive Movement,1" American 
Quarterly, XXII (Spring, 1970), 20-34.
Fi te ,  Gilbert C. "Peter Norbeck and the Defeat of the Nonpartisan 
League in South Dakota." Mississippi Valley Historical 
Review, XXXIII (1946), 217-236.
Foner, Philip S. "United States of America Vs. Wm. D. Haywood, et  a l : 
The I. W. W. Indictment." Labor History, XI (4, 1970), 500- 
530.
Grant, Frank. "Rocky Mountain Husbandman: Embattled Voice of the
Montana Farmer." Montana the Magazine of Western History,
. XXIV (Apri l , 1974), 34-43.
149
Gutfeld, Arnon. "The.Murder of Frank L i t t l e :  Radical Labor Agitation
in Butte, Montana, 1917." Labor History, X (Spring, 1969),
PP. 177-192.
Hall, Tom G. "Wilson and the Food Cris is :  Agricultural Price Control 
During World War I ."  Agricultural History, XLVII ( I ,  1973), 
25-46.
Johnson, Dorthy M., ed. "Three Hundred Grand." Montana the Magazine 
of Western History, X (Winter, 1960), 40-50.
Larson, T. A. "Montana Women and the Batt le  for the Ballot: Woman
Suffrage in the Treasure S ta te ."  Montana the Magazine of 
Western History, XXIII (January, 1973) , 24-41.
Rader, Benjamin G. "The Montana Lumber Strike of 1917." Pacific 
. Historical Review, XXXVI (May, 1967), 189-207.
Roeder, Richard B. "Montana Progressivism, Sound and Fury--And One 
Small Tax Reform." Montana the Magazine of Western History,
XX (Autumn, 1970), 18-26.
. "Who Was Jerre  Murphy?" Proceedings of the Montana Academy 
of Sciences, XXVI (1967), 82-86.
Rutten, Richard T. "Senator Burton K. Wheeler and Insurgency in the
1920's." The American West: A Reorientation, Gene M. Gressley,
ed. University of Wyoming Publicat ions,  XXXIII (1966), 111- 
131, 164-172.
Saloutos, Theodore. "The Montana Society of Equity." The Pacific 
Historical Review, XIV (December, 1945), 393-408.
. "The Rise of the Non-partisan League in North Dakota, 
1915-1917." Agricultural History, XX (1946), 43-61.
Snedecor, Marie. "The Homesteaders: Their Dreams Held No Shadows."
Montana the Magazine of Western History, XIX (April, 1969), 
10-27.
Toole, K. Ross. "Rebuttal: When Is a Reform a Reform?" Montana the
Magazine of Western History, XX (Autumn, 1970), 27.
Ward, Ralph E. "Wheat in Montana: Determined Adaptation." Montana
the Magazine of Western History, XXV (October, 1975), 16-37.
15.0
C. Unpublished Materials
Bates, James Leonard. "Senator Walsh of Montana, 1918-1924: A Liberal
Under Pressure." Unpublished Ph.D. d is se r ta t ion .  Chapel Hill:
University of North Carolina, 1952.
Evans, Robert Emlyn, "Montana's Role in the Enactment of Legislation ^
Designed To Supress the I . W. Wf" Unpublished M.A. thes is ,
Missoula: Montana State University, 1964.
Gutfeld, Armon. "The Butte Labor Strikes and Company Retaliation During 
World War I ."  Unpublished M.A. thes is ,  Missoula: University
of Montana, 1967.
Hendricks, Kathleen L. "The People's Party of Montana 1892-1893."
Unpublished Seminar Report, History 505,. Bozeman: Montana 
State University, Summer, 1974.
Roeder, Richard Brown. "Montana In the Early Years of the Progressive 
Period." Unpublished Ph.D. d is se r ta t ion ,  Philadelphia:
University of Pennsylvania, 1971.
Rutten, Richard T. "Burtpn K. Wheeler, .1902-1925: An Independent
Liberal Under Fire ."  Unpublished M.A. th es is ,  Eugene:
University of Oregon, 1957..
Smith, Norma. "The Rise and Fall of the Butte Miners Union, 1878-1914."
Unpublished M.A. th es is ,  Bozeman: Montana State College, 1961.
Vinson, Edrie. "Montana's Senator Henry Lee Myers: The Company and 
the Red Scare ." Unpublished Seminar Report, History 515,
Bozeman: Montana State University, Winter, 1975.
Ward, Doris. "The Montana Elections of 1920: The Role of Burton K.
Wheeler." Unpublished Seminar Report, History 480, Bozeman:
Montana State University, Spring, 1968.
Wetzel, Kurt. "The Making of an American Radical: Bill  Dunn of Butte."
Unpublished M.A. th e s is ,  Missoula: University of Montana, 1970.
MONTANA STATE  UN IVERSITY  L IBRAR IES