PROTECTIVE FACTORS THAT ENHANCE THE RESILIENCE OF AMERICAN INDIAN STUDENTS IN GRADUATING FROM URBAN HIGH SCHOOLS by Glenda Anne McCarthy A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Education MONTANA STATE UNIVERSITY Bozeman, Montana April 2017 © COPYRIGHT by Glenda Anne McCarthy 2017 All Rights Reserved ii DEDICATION This work is dedicated to the urban Indigenous youth in both of my home communities who have inspired and delighted me over the past 28 years, and to their families, especially Alex, Kayla and Chad. My heartfelt thanks for the stories, lessons and laughter. Thanks for learning and struggling with me. Thanks for the inspiration. Thank you most of all for your trust and kindness. iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This work would not have been possible without guidance from communities of educational leaders, mentors and loved ones in both of my countries. I have learned so much about radicalized love from my aunt and godmother, Glenys North and from my dear friend, Carolyn Nunan. I am also lovingly indebted to my Apsàalooke sister and mentor, Anna DeCrane. A number of scholars have instructed and inspired me, including Dr. Jeffrey Sanders and Dr. Jioanna Carjuzaa. I am inspired by their intellect, activism, generosity and humility. My committee has provided me with exactly the right guidance and encouragement. Dr. Lynn Kelting-Gibson helped especially with clear thinking in the research design. Dr. Sweeney Windchief guided me on the importance of respect and humility in cultural contexts. Dr. Anne Harris has been a source of creative and intellectual inspiration for almost 20 years. Lastly and most significantly, Dr. Christine Rogers Stanton has spent countless hours mentoring me into academic writing and the life of a social justice scholar, a role which she models so very well. Finally, I would not be able to give of myself if I were not the recipient of unconditional love from my mum, Maureen Sanderson. From my earliest memories she was delivering health care in culturally responsive ways throughout Australia’s Top End and the Outback. My other champion is Kelly McCarthy, who brought me to his home in Montana, where I have been blessed to learn alongside friends from several tribal nations. He has carried my books, welcomed many kids to our kitchen table, and shared many adventures. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................................... 1 Problem Statement ........................................................................................................... 4 Purpose Statement ........................................................................................................... 5 Critical Definitions .......................................................................................................... 5 Conceptual Framework .................................................................................................... 8 Research Questions .......................................................................................................... 9 Overview of Methods ...................................................................................................... 9 Limitations and Delimitations of the Study ................................................................... 11 Significance ................................................................................................................... 12 2. REVIEW OF LITERATURE ........................................................................................ 13 Introduction ................................................................................................................... 13 Challenges of High School for Many Students ............................................................. 19 American Indian Student Achievement ......................................................................... 22 Educational Challenges Specific to American Indian Students .................................... 24 Urban Indian Students ................................................................................................... 25 Preferred Learning Modalities of (Urban) Indian Students ........................................... 29 Code Switching and Crossing Borders .......................................................................... 32 Approaches and Programs for Engaging Underserved Students ................................... 35 Assimilative Models .............................................................................................. 35 Transformative Models for Engaging Underserved Students ............................... 38 Critical Theory and Indigenous Perspectives ................................................................ 40 Multicultural Education ................................................................................................. 43 Multicultural Education in Practice to Serve Indigenous Communities ........................ 47 Indian Education for All in Montana ............................................................................. 49 Successes and Failures of IEFA ..................................................................................... 55 3. METHODOLOGY ........................................................................................................ 58 Introduction ................................................................................................................... 58 Positionality ................................................................................................................... 59 Decolonizing Methodologies ......................................................................................... 63 Relationships, Reflexivity and Reciprocity ................................................................... 65 Case Study Overview .................................................................................................... 68 Case Study Site .............................................................................................................. 69 Participants .................................................................................................................... 78 Alexandria ............................................................................................................. 79 Kayla ...................................................................................................................... 80 v TABLE OF CONTENTS — CONTINUED Chad ....................................................................................................................... 81 Data Collection .............................................................................................................. 82 Data Analysis ................................................................................................................. 91 4. FINDINGS ..................................................................................................................... 96 Introduction ................................................................................................................... 96 Alexandria’s Protective Factors ..................................................................................... 98 Family and Culture .............................................................................................. 100 Cultural History ................................................................................................... 109 High School 101 .................................................................................................. 113 Teachers and School ............................................................................................ 114 Native American Club ......................................................................................... 126 Homework Help .................................................................................................. 127 Role Models ......................................................................................................... 128 Crossing Borders and Expanding Horizons ......................................................... 131 Drive .................................................................................................................... 133 Kayla’s Protective Factors ........................................................................................... 134 High School 101 .................................................................................................. 136 Lincoln High ........................................................................................................ 137 Native American Club ......................................................................................... 144 Band ..................................................................................................................... 146 Youth Group ........................................................................................................ 148 Family .................................................................................................................. 151 Crossing Borders and Expanding Horizons ......................................................... 158 Chad’s Protective Factors ............................................................................................ 161 Childhood of a Part-Time Indian ......................................................................... 163 Home Land .......................................................................................................... 168 Perspectives on History ....................................................................................... 172 Native Club .......................................................................................................... 177 Diversity in the School ........................................................................................ 178 Defending Native Literature ................................................................................ 182 Encouraging Influences ....................................................................................... 187 Crossing Borders and Rising to Overcome ......................................................... 189 5. DISCUSSION .............................................................................................................. 192 Introduction ................................................................................................................. 192 Specific Challenges Facing Urban Native Students .................................................... 193 Choosing to Cross Borders .......................................................................................... 198 vi TABLE OF CONTENTS — CONTINUED Family and Culture as Protective Factors ........................................................................ 199 Extended Family Relationships ........................................................................... 199 Knowledge of Native History .............................................................................. 201 Traditional Knowledge Systems and Cultural Continuum .................................. 203 Summary and Implications of Family and Cultural Protective Factors .............. 207 Culturally Responsive Pedagogy and IEFA ................................................................ 208 Protective Pedagogy and Learning Modalities .................................................... 208 Caring Relationships ............................................................................................ 210 High Expectations ................................................................................................ 213 Welcoming Diverse Perspectives and Home Cultures ........................................ 214 Empowering School Culture ............................................................................... 220 Summary and Implications of Culturally Responsive Teaching and IEFA ........ 222 School and District Programs ...................................................................................... 224 Programs for an Empowering School Culture ..................................................... 224 Programs Celebrating Native Culture in the School and District ........................ 225 Achievement Programs: Continuum from Assimilative to Transformative ........ 227 Summary and Implications of School and District Programs ............................. 231 Methodological Implications for Teachers and Researchers ....................................... 232 Relationships, Time and Comfort ........................................................................ 232 Scrapbooking ....................................................................................................... 234 Conclusion ................................................................................................................... 236 REFERENCES ................................................................................................................ 240 APPENDICES ................................................................................................................. 249 APPENDIX A: Interview Protocol ...................................................................... 250 APPENDIX B: Informed Consent ....................................................................... 252 APPENDIX C: Essential Understandings Regarding Montana Indians ............. 255 APPENDIX D: Alexandria's Protective Factors ................................................. 257 APPENDIX E: Kayla's Protective Facotrs .......................................................... 285 APPENDIX F: Chad's Protective Factors ........................................................... 305 vii LIST OF TABLES Table Page 1. Enrolment data for Montana Urban Schools, 2014-2015 .................................... 28 2. Select Youth Risk Behavior Survey Results, 2014-2015 .................................... 29 3. Lincoln High School Enrollment by Ethnicity .................................................... 70 viii LIST OF FIGURES Figure Page 1. Multicultural & Responsive Education Models ................................................ 50 2. Alex's senior picture ......................................................................................... 101 3. Alex's selfie with Mom and Grandma at college orientation ........................... 102 4. Alex's collage representing her Indian name .................................................... 104 5. Alex's grandma in regalia and Alex's great-grandma ....................................... 105 6. Alex at graduation with beaded cap ................................................................. 109 7. Sand Creek Massacre Memorial ....................................................................... 110 8. Alex at Fort Robinson Memorial ...................................................................... 112 9. Alex (front) with summer reading books at High School 101 ......................... 114 10. Alex in Costa Rica .......................................................................................... 116 11. Alex's artwork ................................................................................................. 116 12. Alex and me in "A Cheyenne Voice" ............................................................. 121 13. Native dancers at Heritage Day assembly ...................................................... 124 14. Mom, Grandma and Alex at Sapphire schools powwow ............................... 127 15. Lincoln High Native American Club (Alex left) ............................................ 127 16. Alex and friends finishing homework at lunchtime ....................................... 128 17. Motivational quote from Alex's scrapbook .................................................... 132 18. Kayla at High School 101 and five years later ............................................... 137 19. Kayla in Lincoln High shirt and at Homework Help ...................................... 143 ix LIST OF FIGURES — CONTINUED Figure Page 20. Kayla and friend in detention 9th grade and visual joke about Indian time ...................................................................................................... 143 21. Kayla (left) and Native Club members parading at assembly ........................ 145 23. Bible camp and pie fight at youth group (Kayla right) ................................... 149 24. Kayla, Dad and beaded graduation cap .......................................................... 151 25. Kayla's grandpa breaking ground at the school named in his honor .............. 152 26. Kayla's Grandpa John Myron in yearbook ..................................................... 153 27. Kayla and her baby niece ................................................................................ 155 28. Cheerful message on Kayla's aunt's fridge ..................................................... 158 29. Kayla, her mom and sisters; Kayla her dad and sister .................................... 158 30. Chad, his brother, cousin and dad ................................................................... 167 31. Gun representing hunting accident and Chad's family ................................... 168 32. Chad and cousin horse riding on Crow homeland .......................................... 169 33. Chad's Grandpa Tex, Plenty Coups, chickadee and Native girl ..................... 171 34. Perspectives on History page from Chad's scrapbook .................................... 175 35. Native students preparing to dance at Lincoln assembly ............................... 179 36. Chad's photo appeared in "Indian Country Today" ........................................ 184 37. Note from Sherman Alexie ............................................................................. 186 38. Chad (center), Tyus on his right at graduation ............................................... 191 x ABSTRACT   The purpose of this research was to explore protective factors that strengthen the innate resilience of American Indian students who seek to graduate from urban high schools. A collective case study using Community Based Participatory Research and decolonizing methodologies was conducted with three co-researchers who graduated from a Montana urban high school in 2014 or 2015. Data sources included a series of three in depth interviews with each co-researcher and scrapbooks they created to document their high school years and protective factors. One family focus group provided an additional data source. Analysis reveals the importance of family and cultural protective factors, including the knowledge of tribal histories. Another protective factor is Montana’s multicultural mandate, Indian Education for All, when implemented with culturally responsive pedagogy. Co-researchers benefitted from caring teachers who maintained high standards. Further protective factors were school and district based programs that supported student achievement, connected Native families with schools and celebrated, sustained or revitalized Native culture in urban high schools. 1 CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION “Our Native wisdom has taught us that healing should come in the seventh generation; now is the time…One day I hope that children on and off the reservation might look to me as another example of why they can make it.” ~ Northern Cheyenne high school graduate, 20151 On May 31st, 2015, 69 American Indian2 students graduated from an urban Montana school district that is the site of this research. Many wore beaded caps adorned with eagle feathers, proudly displaying visual representations of their Indian cultures and their academic achievement. Each graduate is a precious collection of stories. Their innate resilience and academic ability were nurtured by the ancient and living cultures of the Apsàalooke, Tsitsistas, Lakota, Nakoda, Aaniinin and other tribal nations. These individuals heard words of encouragement throughout their schooling: “You can do it”; “Diiawachishiik” (“I love you” in Apsàalooke/Crow); “Cheyennes don’t have quit in our blood”; “You are sacred.” They attended sweat lodges, danced at powwows, smudged (a ceremonial purification using the smoke from burning sweetgrass or other plants) and some participated in Sun Dances in the summer. They laughed at the humor of 1491’s, an all-Indigenous comedy troupe, told jokes, and posted them on Facebook. Some jokes 1 Quote from a co-researcher in this study, Alex, used with permission. 2 "American Indian” people, members of tribal nations in the United States, are most appropriately referred to by their tribal affiliations, such as Apsàalooke/Crow, Tsitsistas/Northern Cheyenne, Nakoda/Assiniboine etc. However, in small communities, such terminology may identify co-researchers and breach confidentiality. Therefore, I use various common terminologies such as “American Indian”, “Indian”, “Native” and “Indigenous” interchangeably, in keeping with the expression of various scholars and co- researchers. 2 and comments were punctuated with local, Native expressions, “eeh!”, “ennit” and “erbs.” They were there for each other at Native American Club, and comforted each other and family members in crowded hospital rooms overnight when bad health struck. They wore Native Pride sweatshirts and beaded earrings through the halls of their high school. They went out for football and played in the school band. They had friends from many different backgrounds and participated in their AA school community; in Montana an AA school is one with a student enrollment of 826 students or more (Montana High School Association, 2015, p. 19). These American Indian graduates were also the beneficiaries of Indian Education for All (IEFA), a state law mandating the inclusion of American Indian perspectives throughout the curriculum. IEFA was written into Montana’s constitution in 1972, and has steadily gained momentum since funding was allocated in 2005. IEFA is unique in its efforts to recognize Native cultures and histories; most U.S. school systems provide limited attention to Indigenous experiences and ways of knowing (De La Mare, 2010; Michie, 2005; Wagner, 2008). Despite the flaws of mainstream, American education and individual educators, these students had champions, including tribal leaders who have cooperated to create legislation and provide authentic, tribally specific resources that were available to their teachers. They read internationally acclaimed Indian authors including Sherman Alexie (Spokane) and James Welch (Blackfeet). They listened to tribal leaders and cultural presenters. These American Indian graduates benefited when their teachers implemented IEFA in a culturally responsive manner, as intended, with a transformational approach that encourages multiple perspectives on issues and social 3 action responses (Banks, 2008; Sleeter & Grant, 2009). American Indian high school graduates are the success stories often overshadowed by disheartening statistics and historic struggle. Each high school graduate becomes a data point on a graph of graduation rates which, when disaggregated along racial lines, reveals an “achievement gap.” American Indian students are the largest minority group in Montana, the traditional owners of this land. Many of them enrolled members of sovereign tribal nations. In many respects, they continue to endure a colonized education system where mostly White, middle class teachers offer a largely Eurocentric curriculum (Banks, 2008; Sanchez, 2007; Sleeter & Grant, 2009). Their grandparents’ and great-grandparents’ generations were sent to boarding schools where education was used as a means of forced assimilation. Horror stories from the Boarding School Era linger in the memories of many families, such as grandparents beaten for speaking their Native languages, shamed for any expression of their cultural heritage and kept far from home for many years. Such memories are especially hard to overcome for those who endure ongoing experiences of racism. Culturally responsive teachers, those who adapt their teaching to embrace the home cultures of students and develop positive relationships while maintaining high expectations and positive relationships with parents and community, are particularly important for marginalized students (Gay, 2010; Ladson-Billings, 1995; Klug & Whitfield, 2003). One third of the teachers at the Montana high school in this research volunteered to mentor American Indian students in a grassroots program. Students experiencing difficulty with academic achievement were offered the opportunity of a 4 mentor (McCarthy, 2015). Many of these Indian students also benefitted from a variety of programs available to all students. After all, urban high schools are difficult environments for many youth (Michie, 2005; Rumberger, 2011; Wagner, 2008). For example, some of these graduates took self-paced credit recovery classes. In Professional Learning Communities, their teachers reflected on how to reteach until students learned content. Many teachers and administrators echoed the message, “You can do it.” How do I claim to know these details? I have taught high school in this district and worked with Indian Education programs throughout the high school years of these American Indian graduates. I was their teacher. I know many of them and their families. Even though I am a White, middle class teacher, I am part of a professional community that cares deeply about social justice issues in my community and wants to close the “achievement gap.” The stories of American Indian youth underneath the disheartening statistics are complex and informative; from an Indigenous perspective, stories are important sources of data (Brayboy, 2005). Problem Statement Despite recent increases in Montana’s American Indian graduation rates, disparities persist. The graduation rate of American Indians has remained approximately 20% lower than the graduation rate of White students over the past five years (Montana Office of Public Instruction [MOPI], 2016). Less than 3% of Montana teachers identify as American Indian (M. Smoker-Broaddus, personal communication, 5 April, 2016; Carjuzaa, Jetty, Munson & Veltkamp, 2010), compared to 14% of Montana’s students. 5 Even with good intentions of engaging all students, the mostly White teaching community has limited understanding of the experiences of American Indian students, including our growing urban Indian population. More than half of Montana’s American Indian student population attends school off reservations (MOPI, 2016). Research suggests that Urban Indians face high rates of transience, homelessness and poverty, although individuals vary greatly (National Urban Indian Family Coalition [NUIFC], 2008). American Indian students attending urban schools face slightly higher rates of bullying and depression than non-Native youth (MOPI, 2016). At the time the study’s participants were in school, the statistics were even worse. Many struggle with issues relating to their Indian identity and cultural connectedness (Bergstrom, Cleary & Peacock, 2003; Grande, 2004). Further research is needed to better understand the impact of various protective factors associated with successful high school graduation for urban Indian students so that educators and families can work together and build on best practices. Purpose Statement The purpose of this research is to explore protective factors that strengthen the innate resilience of American Indian students and help them successfully graduate from urban high schools. Critical Definitions 1. Assimilated: American Indians may place themselves at any point on a continuum from traditional, through bicultural, to assimilated (Klug & Whitfield, 2003). Assimilated 6 individuals may physically appear Indian, but they are fluent Standard English speakers. Their values and behavior reflect mainstream American culture. The categories of traditional, bicultural and assimilated may be useful for understanding the background of American Indian students, but it is also important to appreciate individual diversity and resist over simplifying into “narrowly defined categories of Indian-ness” (Grande, 2004, p. 106). 2. Bicultural: Bicultural individuals are raised in both their Native culture and mainstream American culture. Some speak their Native language or speak English with “Native language cadences” (Klug & Whitfield, 2003, p. 8). They are able to observe expected behaviors in either culture. 3. Code switching: As urban high schools like the one in this study are generally monolingual with English used as language of instruction, code switching is defined in this research as the ability to observe “expected behaviors when in either culture, even when the behaviors vary widely” (Klug & Whitfield, 2008, p. 8) and to switch between languages and linguistic patterns used at home and Standard English required at school to access codes of power (Delpit, 1995). 4. Culturally Responsive Pedagogy: Culturally Responsive Pedagogy is a process that requires sustained commitment as teachers develop an instructional style that embraces “the cultural knowledge and skills of ethnically diverse students” (Gay, 2010, p. 213). Some scholars have extended the scope of culturally responsive pedagogy to call for sustaining home languages and cultures (Paris, 2012) and even revitalizing American Indian languages and cultures (McCarthy & Lee, 2014). 7 5. Indian Education for All (IEFA): Indian Education for All in Montana mandates the inclusion of American Indian perspectives throughout the curriculum (Montana Constitution, 1972). 6. Multicultural education: A theoretical approach and praxis which aims to better engage diverse learners and create a more just society by preparing all students with the skills of critical thinking and civic discourse (Banks, 2008). 7. Protective factors: For the purposes of this research, protective factors are defined as any person, program or concept that increases the innate resilience of individual students and contributes to the achievement of their own goals, including high school graduation. I favor “protective factors” over “supportive factors” because “support” is defined as “a structure that holds up or serves as a foundation” (Merriam-Webster, 2015). This suggests that American Indian students do not innately have the resources and foundation for academic success; “support” implies a deficit orientation. On the other hand, “protect” means “to drive away danger” and synonyms include “guard” and “shield” (Merriam-Webster, 2015). Research on resilient youth identifies parallel “protective factors” in the family, school or community as (1) caring and supportive relationships (2) high expectations (3) involvement and participation (Benard, 1992). In terms of research with American Indian graduates, “protective factors” shield against Eurocentric curriculum, institutional racism, low expectations, self-doubt and reactions to stress and sorrow. In the Indigenous worldview, traditional ways and cultural connectedness protect and strengthen (Bergstrom et al., 2003; Deyhle, 1995). Home communities and kinship provide important protection to Indian students (Bergstrom et al., 2003; Joseph & 8 Windchief, 2015). Culturally responsive teachers can also protect Indian students (Delpit,1995; Gay, 2010; Klug & Whitfield, 2008; Rogers, 2010; Rogers & McLendon, 2015). 8. Resilience : Resilience is “an ability to recover from or adjust easily to misfortune or change” (Merriam Webster, 2015). Benard (1992) identifies certain traits typical in resilient youth: social competence, problem solving skills, autonomy and a sense of purpose. Bergstrom, Cleary and Peacock (2003) describe resilient Native youth as those able to bounce back after setbacks and difficulties including racism, anger, and “the low expectations of schools, teachers or society in general” (p. 64). Resilient Native youth overcome the pressures of “alcoholism, drugs, and poverty so typical in our communities” (Bergstrom et al., 2004, p. 64) to emerge stronger. 9. Traditional: Traditional Indians often spend a great deal of their youth with grandparents, who are often responsible for providing education regarding culture. They are “brought up in a culturally normed manner, observing the rituals of a particular tribal Nation, pueblo, or Rancheria, and understanding, if not speaking, the Native language” (Klug & Whitfield, 2003, p. 8). Conceptual Framework Based on many years of teaching and learning with Indigenous students in urban high schools, the conceptual framework underpinning this study proposes three categories of protective factors that enhance the innate resilience of American Indian students in graduating from urban high schools: (1) family and cultural protective factors, 9 (2) culturally responsive pedagogy including IEFA and (3) district and school programs. These factors inform the research questions and direct the review of literature. This conceptual framework will be further explored in chapter 3. Research Questions 1. How do protective factors, including family and cultural connectedness, help urban Indian students graduate? 2. How does culturally responsive pedagogy, including IEFA, help urban Indian students graduate? 3. How do district and school based programs (e.g. grant funded counselor positions for American Indian students, mentoring, tutoring, online credit recovery classes, summer camps, Native American Clubs, college visits) provide further protective factors and contribute to the graduation of urban Indian students? Overview of Methods This research uses case study methodology (Creswell, 2013) and Community Based Participatory Research (CBPR) (Stanton, 2014). CBPR is an orientation that respects the values, views and experiences of members of the Indian community and aligns with decolonizing methodologies (Smith, 2012). A collective case study (Creswell, 2013) is appropriate because it allows gathering stories bounded by the event of graduation in 2014 and 2015, and bounded geographically by the location of one high school. This case is also bounded by relationality, as the research partners are American 10 Indian youth with whom I have long standing relationships. CBPR engages participants as co-researchers, which is particularly important in situations where the researcher is a community outsider. Through CBPR, it becomes possible for community outsiders to learn about the meaning of culturally-situated experiences. Indigenous methodologies stress the importance of research that centers on respectful relationships and accountability to those relationships (Wilson, 2008). Researchers using Indigenous methodologies also strive to be useful, friendly and just (Smith, 2012). These considerations are particularly important because I am a White, middle class teacher, so issues of power and exploitation need to be carefully considered. At the start of this research, I consulted members of an Indian Parent Committee (IPAC) and other respected elders and cultural guides (Archibald, 2008) and I maintained communication with a few cultural mentors throughout the research. Three American Indian high school graduates with whom I have established, trusting relationships participated as co-researchers. The choice of American Indian high school graduates is part of an intentional focus on survival and resilience. Each created a scrapbook to capture their experience of high school using photographs, documents and mementos. This aspect of the research design draws on aspects of Photovoice methodology (Delgado, 2015). The co-researchers also participated in a series of semi- structured interviews and were invited to journal. Co-researchers collaborated on data analysis to distill meaning around the research questions about factors that protect American Indian students on their path to graduation. 11 Limitations and Delimitations of the Study Each co-researcher and I participated in a series of three semi-structured interviews. We then collaborated in analysis with the intention of creating trustworthy data. However, the small sample of three cases from graduates of one urban high school means that results are not generalizable to other contexts (Creswell, 2013). Co- researchers in this study are enrolled members of their tribes who travel regularly to their reservations or live on the reservation. As such, the stories of these three urban Indian high school graduates may differ significantly from urban “detribalized” youth (Grande, 2004, p. 3). Furthermore, my status as a cultural outsider and a White teacher introduce power imbalances that may have undermined efforts at “decolonizing methodology” (Smith, 2012). Limitations created by time and logistics may also have compromised the ability to gather data and fully explore the research questions. The long-standing relationships that I have with the three co-researchers and their families provided for a level of trust and relational accountability (Wilson, 2005). However, no matter how conscientiously I consulted, reflected and related, this research cannot fully meet the expectations of critical Indigenous researchers since I am not Indigenous. Delimitations in this study include obstacles to academic success and protective factors that do not relate directly to high school graduation. Resilience and protective factors were discussed in relationship to obstacles and challenges experienced, but our focus was on an exploration of protective factors. Co-researchers also talked about positive influences and protective factors throughout their lives, but we focused our 12 attention on those protective factors related to academic success and graduation. Significance The history of genocidal and assimilationist policies towards American Indian people, including those meted out in educational policy and public schools (Lomawaima & McCarty, 2006; Reyhner & Singh, 2010), make the struggle for culturally responsive education and equitable outcomes an urgent matter of social justice. Growing numbers of urban Indians in states like Montana (MOPI, 2016; NUIFC, 2008; US Census, 2010b) call for research to dig underneath the disheartening graduation rates and focus on “pockets of possibility” (Brayboy & Maaka, 2015, p. 86). Working together, American Indian students, their families and communities, their teachers and educational leaders can increase the academic success and graduation rate of American Indian students. I think of the 400 American Indian students attending high school in my district this year. They are so close to graduation, and their skills and precious cross-cultural knowledge are vitally needed in Indian County, our cities and bordertowns (towns that border reservations). 13 CHAPTER TWO REVIEW OF LITERATURE Introduction The purpose of this case study is to learn from the experiences of American Indian students who have successfully graduated from an urban high school and share their stories and insights with teachers, administrators and members of the American Indian community, in the hope of raising graduation rates for this group of students. In order to learn about protective factors that strengthen the resilience of American Indian youth, it is important to gain an understanding of the existing research related to the strengths inherent to and challenges facing American Indian youth, particularly of urban Indian students. In addition, this literature review explores critical theory as it relates to research with Indigenous communities. Much of this literature review addresses educational protective factors: multicultural education, IEFA, culturally responsive pedagogy and various approaches and programs for serving underserved or “at-risk” students. These are issues that educators can continue to address individually and collectively. Another major protective factor for students is the influence of family and culture. A limited amount of research exists about the protective influence of American Indian families and culture on youth, especially those attending urban high schools, but I will begin by addressing some aspects of these protective factors. Greater awareness of the nature and importance of family and culture in the lives of American Indian students can inform teachers who want 14 to work respectfully and collaboratively with students and families, with the goal of raising achievement and graduation rates. Family and Cultural Protective Factors In this section, I draw on published literature discussing the protective factors of culture, family and spirituality affecting American Indian students, including those in urban high schools. It is appropriate to defer to American Indian authors, those with lived experience and insider knowledge of cultural practice, although there is limited literature in this area. As a cultural outsider, my anxiety in writing about these protective factors is outweighed by a desire to raise awareness and respect for the influence of culture and family on American Indian students. In 28 years of teaching Indigenous students in urban high schools, I have come to esteem the importance of cultural practice for the wellbeing and success of Indigenous students. Maintaining cultural knowledge and practice sometimes requires extra time and understanding from educators. For example, some ceremonies occur during the school year and grieving practices for American Indians students may be prolonged compared to those of White Americans. Honoring the cultural practices of American Indian students may be important, especially if the academic success of students is protected by cultural identity. Teachers who are unfamiliar with or unwilling to accept these cultural practices may penalize Native youth for missing school, while culturally responsive teachers may work with the youth and their families to ensure cultural practice and academic progress work together. While specific cultural and spiritual practices likely serve as protective factors, my positionality 15 as a White scholar makes it difficult, and inappropriate, to discuss these specific practices. In this dissertation, I will describe practices generally, but without specific information that would compromise cultural integrity According to an extensive study, Indigenous youth speak eloquently about their identity, which is “firmly rooted in these common themes: spirituality, understanding of and connection to culture, pride in being American Indian/Alaska Native, and a connection to a place or a healthy person” (Bergstrom et al., 2003, p. 32). Youth interviewed by Bergstrom et al. (2003) described a deep love for their community and land. One Hoopa student shared, “I go on the hills and I pray, it relieves me” (Bergstrom et al., 2003, p. 36). Deloria (1973, p. 66) explains the connection of tribal people to “the sacred landscapes for which they were responsible.” Some American Indian youth participate in vision quests where they fast and pray, seeking visions from spiritual guides (Bergstrom et al., 2003). Another venue for prayer and spiritual practice is the sweat lodge, a structure “designed to represent the larger cosmos” (Deloria, 1973, p. 153) where people use hot rocks and water in a process of purification. Prayer takes different forms for American Indian youth; one of them is dancing. One student interviewed by Bergstrom et al. (2003) told how in the valley where she lives, “we dance the sickness, the jealousies, the evil, and push it all out” (p. 134). For youth who dance in contemporary pan-Indian powwows, “excellence in dancing is a sign of commitment to one’s heritage” (Bergstrom et al., p. 128). American Indian students identify key family elements as protective elements, including adult family members serving as role models (Bergstrom et al., 2003; Rogers & 16 McClendon, 2015). Students speak about hard working parents and the importance of family expectations. Adult family members who expect good grades and graduations are “often are blessed with young people who excel” (Bergstrom et al., 2003, p. 109). However, American Indian parents respect the autonomy of their children and encourage, rather than force them to do well in school. One young man appreciated his parents “letting me get out and to experience the world in my own eyes” (Bergstrom et al., 2003, p. 108). The extended family plays a significant role in caring for American Indian youth (Bergstrom et al., 2003). Aunts and uncles share the role of parents, and cousins are like brothers and sisters. Many youths reported to Bergstrom et al. (2003) about spending time with extended family members, grandparents and elders. They spoke of learning from family, grandmas who were good listeners, and how “respect for elders, and the wisdom of our grandmothers, grandfathers, and ancestors” is part of spirituality (Bergstrom et al., 2003, p. 36). Mutual respect and obligation are seen as important. For example, one youth spoke about giving his aunts the majority of a deer after hunting (Bergstrom et al., 2003). Family members contribute to American Indian students’ sense of identity and wellbeing, making sure that they are “proud of being Native” (Bergstrom et al., 2003, p. 35). Furthermore, family members and home communities can provide important protective factors in the academic success of American Indian students, since “to do well in school is to respect one’s elders” (Joseph & Windchief, 2015, p. 85). The Family Education Model used in Montana tribal colleges successfully draws on a holistic approach to student retention and success whereby families are involved in social and 17 cultural activities hosted by the college (HeavyRunner & DeCelles, 2002). In this model, cultural resilience supports academic success by building on strengths, including “spirituality, bilingualism, biculturalism, kinship and a sense of belonging to the community” (HeavyRunner & DeCelles, 2002, p.34). Many Indian youths expressed that spirituality and practicing their traditional ways gave them strength to keep out of trouble. They “drew strength to stay in school from many things, including their tribal cultures and the desire to live up to the expectations of adults” (Bergstrom et al., 2003, p. 70). These interrelated protective factors of family, culture and spirituality contributed to their success in mainstream school and their Native communities because “feeling good about their Native culture fostered the traits that made them resilient and strong” (Bergstrom et al., 2003, p. 70). Strength Based View of American Indian Students HeavyRunner and Marshall (2003) use the term “miracle survivors” to describe many successful American Indian students in higher education, a term that makes sense given the achievement disparities affecting Indigenous students. The authors emphasize the strengths based nature of the tribal college Family Education Model. Students are seen as “at promise” rather than “at risk” (HeavyRunner & Marshall, 2003, p. 16). Miracle survivors are nurtured with the inclusion of spiritual protective factors, family activities, counseling, mentoring and support networks. Such a holistic approach to the wellbeing, resilience and education of American Indian youth is possible for sovereign tribal nations, but the inclusion of spirituality in education is sometimes perceived as 18 problematic in public schools, given the separation of church and state. Bergstrom et al. (2003) were “struck by the many examples of American Indian youth actively trying to turn things around for themselves and others” (p.24). These youth talked about their struggles to stay on a good path with their education. Rogers and McLendon (2015) used portraiture, a qualitative methodology, to focus on the strengths of one Eastern Band Cherokee Indian middle school student. They did this in conscious opposition to deficit orientations and negative stereotypes of Indigenous youth. Through eighteen months of formal and informal interviews and observations, the researchers found the conditions that fostered the student’s success were “her own individual dispositions of perseverance, her tight connection to her mother, and the few teachers who had knowledge of her life outside school” (Rogers & McLendon, 2015, p.195). This student was aware of negative stereotypes about Indian youth and appreciated belonging to the Native Leadership Group in her school because it provided her with a community of peers who could support her cultural identity and academic goals. She also benefitted from the support of “an informal and idiosyncratic connection” (Rogers & McLendon, 2015, p. 96) with one particular culturally responsive teacher, especially during a temporary period of instability in her home life. While the bulk of research investigating the educational experiences of Indigenous youth focuses on the gaps, challenges, and problems, Indigenous scholars encourage attention to the cultural and individual strengths that contribute to success. Although Indigenous youth and communities face significant challenges, this dissertation’s primary goal is to seek out the stories of miracle survivors in order to 19 elevate attention to the strengths and solutions to challenges. Challenges of High School for Many Students High school is a challenging environment for many American youth, not just American Indians. Although school completion rates in America have increased over the past century, leveling off at approximately 89.9%, a dropout problem persists, notably with culturally diverse groups (Doll, Eslami & Walters, 2013). Since 1966, researchers have conducted a series of nationally representative studies with students and other stakeholders about why dropout occurs. Pull factors account for dropout when out of school factors such as financial worries, employment, pregnancy or illness are the identified agent. Pull factors were predominant causes of dropout from the 1950s through the 1980s. In recent decades, however, a growing societal expectation for high school graduation has resulted in more students coping with challenges while staying in school and working towards high school graduation (Doll et al., 2013). Fall out factors refer to a lack of personal and academic supports, resulting in a gradual increase in student disengagement. School is the agent for push out factors, such as attendance and discipline policies. For example, a student may be pushed out if they struggle with attendance due to homelessness and lack of transportation, yet they do not feel comfortable initiating a conversation about their situation with teachers. They receive out of school suspension for their absences, so fall further behind in their studies. Eventually they are dropped under a typical school district policy concerning ten consecutive absences. Doll et al. (2013) found an increase in push out factors since the 20 1990s and suggest that this increase may be due to pressure for achievement on standardized test scores, whereby schools feel compelled to push out students who might score low on standardized tests. Research data reveals more dropouts due to push out factors for African American and Hispanic students, but no information is presented for American Indian students (Doll et al., 2013). Socioeconomic factors also play into school success and lack thereof. Gladwell (2008) discusses the cultural advantage of middle class children who come to school with a sense of entitlement, ready to self-advocate. Working class and poor children, by contrast, generally approach school with distrust, unaware of how to customize it to meet their needs. Montana’s graduation rate for White students was 88.7% in 2015. Even though this was 22.1% higher than the graduation rate of American Indian students, too many White students are also obviously not sufficiently engaged or academically successful for various reasons, such as socioeconomic issues. Wagner (2008) conducted interviews and focus groups over a five-year period to gather perceptions of high school from American youth. Young people spoke with appreciation about passionate teachers. However, many said that high school bored them and complained that their interests were not incorporated into the curriculum. College students interviewed claimed that their high school classes lacked critical thinking, sufficient writing, and time for reflection. Students felt that high school knocked creativity out of them and caused anxiety, with a focus on competition and test preparation. Youth asked for more authentic and collaborative learning, with inquiry based approaches, rather than passively learning facts. Many of the “net generation” 21 interviewed felt they learned more in their extracurricular activities than in classes, and that they learned critical thinking and creativity in spite of high school (Wagner, 2008). Mostly White teachers do not have ready access to community “funds of knowledge” (Moll, 1992) that can make curriculum and pedagogy more relevant and engaging, especially for students of color. The racial demographics of America’s elementary and high school student populations are changing rapidly. By 2024, White student enrollment in K-12 is expected to decrease to 46% (National Center for Education Statistics, [NCES], 2015b). Multicultural educators agree that school staffing should reflect the cultural diversity of the community. (Banks, 2008; Sleeter & Grant, 2009). Lack of balance between the racial demographics of student and teacher populations results in fewer adult role models for students of color. Unfortunately, in 2007-2008, 83.5% of teachers identified as White (NCES, 2009), and in Montana that statistic is 97% (Carjuzaa, 2012; M. Smoker-Broaddus, personal communication, April 5, 2016). Even when urban students have a teacher of color from their own community who is committed to social justice, other challenges exist in urban schools. Michie (2005) used narrative portrait research with minority teachers to reveal the “gritty, frustrating, and ultimately rewarding work of teaching in urban classrooms” (p. xii). Social justice teachers spend vast amounts of time creating their own curriculum instead of using textbooks they consider inadequate or biased. Even going to these efforts, they still encounter some student resistance, as they pay the price for other teachers’ low expectations. Successful social justice teachers in urban schools hold two contradictory 22 beliefs: “that public schools have too often failed poor children and children of color, and that public schools - with considerable effort - can become places of hope and possibility for all kids” (Michie, 20015, p. 13). American Indian Student Achievement The dismal test scores of American Indian students as measured by National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) in 4th and 8th grade reading and mathematics “should be an embarrassment to local, state and federal governments” (Brayboy & Maaka, 2015, p. 85), even when taking into consideration the cultural bias in these standardized tests. In 2013, 69.7% of American Indian/Alaska Native (AI/AN) students graduated from public American high schools within four years. This is 16.9% lower than the graduation rate of White students at 86.6% (NCES, 2015a). Brayboy and Maaka (2015) point out that education is a civil right and a human right, yet the very low high school completion rates preclude a disproportionate number of American Indian students from college and rewarding careers. The authors recommend addressing this inequity through a range of actions: providing more culturally responsive schooling, offering tribal language classes, reviewing inappropriate tracking into special education, and addressing unfair discipline procedures. In accounting for lower test scores and higher dropout rates among American Indian students, Grande (2004) also points to low expectations of American Indian students, their over identification for remediation, and a need for Indigenous knowledge and language programs. Brayboy and Maaka (2015) insist that a “college-going culture 23 is crucial to helping Indigenous students increase their academic achievement levels” (p. 81), and that this culture must begin in elementary school. American Indian students also need greater access to quality counseling and financial planning for college because a disproportionate number of them are first generation college students. Given that these recommendations are substantial and may seem overwhelming, the authors suggest highlighting pockets of possibility where teachers currently assist American Indian students in being academically successful while maintaining connection to their cultures. Despite a five-year trend of increasing graduation rates for both Montana’s Indian students and the general cohort, a disparity of approximately 20 % persists (MOPI, 2016, p. 10). Montana’s educational leaders call for a greater focus on finding and sharing best practices to decrease the dropout rate for American Indian students. The state provides school districts with an additional $200 for every American Indian student “for the purpose of closing the achievement gap” (MOPI, 2016, p. 1). These efforts must involve urban and rural schools as well as reservations because “the ever-widening achievement gap is most noticeable in public schools in urban areas with large populations of minority students on or near Indian reservations” (Carjuzaa, Baldwin & Munson, 2015, p. 200). Educators need to hear the stories underneath the dropout and graduation data in order to gain necessary insight and expand the pockets of possibility. Listening to the perspectives of American Indian students also reduces the likelihood of a deficit orientation, which blames American Indian students and families and “obscures attentions to opportunity gaps (for instance, access to high-quality teachers, a relevant curriculum, good healthcare, decent school facilities) and to strengths and resources that 24 students from low-income communities have” (Sleeter & Grant, 2009, p. 49). Educational Challenges Specific to American Indian Students Awareness of the enormous potential of American Indian students (Bergstrom et al., 2003) must be balanced with an awareness of the challenges that high school presents for young people, especially “students of color who have been marginalized by systemic inequalities based on race, ethnicity and language” (Paris, 2012, p. 96). In Red Pedagogy, Quecha scholar Sandy Grande reflects on her struggle to stay in school. While I lacked the vocabulary to name the injustices I endured as “institutional racism”, I found school to be dull, spiritless and deeply irreverent to the life experiences of indigenous peoples. Eventually I came to embody that irreverence and with each successive year, my struggles against dropping out became increasingly acute. (2004, p. 4) Although American Indian students comprise a very small subgroup in the United States, they are the “majority-minority” in Montana (Carjuzaa, Baldwin & Munson, 2015, p. 205). American Indian students attending urban schools are descended from the original inhabitants of the land and many are enrolled members of sovereign tribal nations, but they also inherit the legacy of genocidal federal policies and assimilationist schooling (Reyhner & Singh, 2010). In particular, during the Boarding School Era, which began in the late nineteenth century, generations of Indian children were removed, often forcibly, to attend schools like the prototypical Carlisle School in Pennsylvania, where they were punished for speaking their Indian languages and maintaining cultural practices. Some Indian parents sent their children voluntarily to boarding schools, hoping for the promises of education and opportunity, “however much too often education for 25 American Indians in the USA was a matter of cultural genocide” (Reyhner & Sing, 2010, p. 11). The oppression of generations of American Indians in boarding schools and other manifestations of federal Indian policy continues to affect families through intergenerational trauma (Klug & Whitfield, 2003). Stories of boarding schools remain in many families, making it difficult to trust schools, especially when assimilationist curriculum and pedagogy persist. Students of color are often underrepresented or invisible in American textbooks, which still dominate high school curriculum (Sleeter & Grant, 2009). While the accomplishments of White males abound, some ethnic minorities receive limited attention, and Native Americans appear mainly in the past (Sanchez, 2007). For example, an understanding of tribal sovereignty is included in Montana’s social studies content standards (MOPI, n.d.), but there is no mention of it in popular United States government textbooks (Magruder & McClenaghan, 2006; Wilson & Dilulio, 2011). American Indian students too rarely see themselves reflected in the curriculum, and when they do, information is often inaccurate or biased. This invisibility is arguably more egregious while attending school in one’s ancestral land. In the words of Delegate Richard Champoux at Montana’s 1972 Constitutional Convention: Every other ethnic group in this country has a country of origin to relate to in their pride of heritage, and we have learned in our schools about their countries… What have the average Americans learned in our schools about our American people? Very little, if not nothing. (Juneau & Smoker-Broaddus, 2006, p. 194). Urban Indian Students According to the National Urban Indian Family Coalition, Indian populations in 26 cities are growing, but there is a critical lack of research on issues affecting urban Indians (NUIFC, 2008). The Merriam-Webster dictionary defines “urban” as “of or relating to cities and the people who live in them”, and the United States Census defines an urbanized area as one with 50,000 or more people (U.S. Census Bureau, 2010a). In the 2010 U.S. census, 5.2 million people or 1.7% of the population identified as AI/AN, either alone or in a multi-racial combination. The majority, 78%, lived outside reservations and federal trust lands (U.S. Census, 2010b). NUIFC explains that “urban” is not a kind of Indian but an experience that is common to most Indian people at some time. One way of defining “urban Indian” is individuals of American Indian and Alaska Native ancestry who may or may not have direct and/or active ties with a particular tribe, but who identify with and are at least somewhat active in the Native community in their urban area (NUIFC, 2008, p. 7). Living in urban environments and transferring to cities from reservation life is often difficult for American Indian families. Urban Indians experience higher rates of unemployment, homelessness and transience than non-Indian urban dwellers (NUIFC, p. 11). Some urban Indians are long-term residents, including people who are the traditional owners of the land on which the city is built, while others come to urban centers seeking economic and educational opportunities that are not available on their reservations. Urban Indian organizations connect individuals with each other and with their cultures. They also provide “a wide range of culturally sensitive programs to a diverse clientele” (NUIFC, 2008, p.12), including meals, counseling, and assistance with seeking employment and housing. Long-term and short-term urban Indian residents also seek ways to maintain their culture and learn more about their identity when returning to 27 their home community, reservation or village regularly is not an option (NUIFC, 2008). Some American Indian families choose to move to urban areas for educational opportunities despite the economic and cultural challenges encountered (NUIFC, 2008). Forty-six percent of AI/AN students attend rural schools where they typically have limited opportunities to participate in accelerated courses that lead to “college ready transcripts” (Brayboy & Maaka, 2015, p.74). According to Brayboy and Maaka (2015), these limitations are due to insufficient resources in rural schools for attracting qualified personnel and maintaining a wide range of course offerings. In Montana, 14% of K-12 students identified as American Indian in the 2015- 2016 school year. This cohort continues to grow each year, and just over half attended off reservation schools (MOPI, 2016). For the purposes of this study, “urban communities” are defined at the five largest centers in Montana: Billings, Great Falls, Missoula, Bozeman and Butte. The cities of Billings and Great Falls have the largest American Indian student populations. In the 2014-2015 school year, when the co- researchers/participants in this student were completing high school, 2,234 American Indian students attended public schools in these two cities, not counting multi-racial students who included American Indian in their ethnic identity (Growth and Enhancement of Montana Students [GEMS]). See Table 1. 28 Table 1. Enrolment data for Montana Urban Schools, 2014-2015 Enrollment Data for Montana Urban Schools, 2014-2015 Total number of schools Total Student Enrolment American Indian Enrolment % American Indian Enrolment Billings 29 16,410 1,084 6.6% Great Falls 19 10,336 1,150 11.1% Missoula 16 8,791 607 6.9% Bozeman 11 6,292 107 1.7% Butte 8 3,242 192 5.9% Although students attending urban high school have more choices of academic courses and activities compared to students at reservation and rural schools, Montana’s urban Indian students may experience other difficulties not faced by either non-Native urban students or by Native students attending reservation schools. Stereotypes and anti- Indian attitudes can create additional hardships for American Indians in urban centers (Klug & Whitfield, 2003). A sample of Montana students takes the Youth Risk Behavior Survey once every two years (MOPI, 2016). Results in Table 2 indicate that urban Indian students experience higher rates of bullying, sadness and suicidal feelings than their peers in reservation schools or their urban, White peers. Some urban Indian youth deny their heritage in the hope of being more successful, while others report feeling that “something 29 is missing” (Klug & Whitfield, 2003, p. 82). These struggles for identity and connectedness are exacerbated at urban schools where many teachers “misinterpret children’s cultural codes for reticence, lack of interest, or lack of natural abilities” (Klug & Whitfield, 2003, p.81). For example, American Indian youth may be expected to avoid eye contact in their homes and families, whereas eye contact is often expected as a sign of respect and focus in public schools. Table 2. Select Youth Risk Behavior Survey Results, 2014-2015 High School Students AI on or near Reservations AI in Urban Schools Percentage of students bullied on school property in last 12 months 25.3% 26.0% 28.6% Percentage of students who felt so sad or hopeless almost every day for 2 or more weeks in a row that they stopped doing some usual activities 29.3% 37.5% 41.1% Percentage of students who attempted suicide in the last 12 months 8.9% 19.3% 19.8% Preferred Learning Modalities of (Urban) Indian Students While there are differences between all individuals, research suggests there are some learning characteristics shared by ‘traditional’ Indigenous youth—or children who engage in cultural practices that are transmitted through generations. Klug and Whitfield ask how teachers can “unlearn the misconceptions about our students” (2003, p. 96). 30 How can we better know young people in institutions that seem designed to create subcultures of failure? American Indian students seem particularly subject to misconceptions from their mostly White teachers. The American Indian worldview is so different from that of the mainstream culture, and assumptions of cultural hegemony persist until we challenge them. Although it is important to remember that individuals within any group will vary in their preferred learning modalities, the patterns of communication and learning preferred by many American Indian students underscore why learning environments in large urban high schools can be problematic for them. In a review of literature, Pewewardy (2002) found that “American Indian/Alaska Natives have definite learning style tendencies such as strength in the visual modality and a preference for global, creative, and reflective styles of learning” (p. 37). Bergstrom et al. (2003, p. 99) also found that “holistic and interdisciplinary learning” were very popular with American Indian students. The relational American Indian worldview affirms the importance of relationships with family, community and the natural world (Klug & Whitfield, 2003; Wilson, 2008). Teachers of American Indian students who can establish relationships with students, families and the Indian community are more effective bicultural teachers (Klug & Whitfield, 2008). Based on research with African American and Alaska Native students, Delpit (1995) explains that children of color attach greater importance to the social aspects of a learning environment. Indian students generally prefer collaborative rather than competitive and individual learning (Klug & Whitfield, 2003). American Indian teachers are center stage for less time, use more small group work than non-Native teachers, and 31 are less likely to single out individual students (Klug & Whitfield, 2003). They more often use a side-by-side learning relationship. American Indian students struggle with drawing attention to themselves or appearing to know more than their peers, as self-praise is considered arrogant (Delpit, 1995; Pewewardy, 2002; Philips, 1983). Differences in language and interaction styles are often the most problematic factor for American Indian students and their teachers (Klug & Whitfield, 2003). More time for silence and processing information is typical in Indian interactions (Klug & Whitfield, 2003). Indian students generally participate less as speakers and are accustomed to greater control over when they speak (Philips, 1983). American Indian teachers allow more time to complete work and do not expect direct eye contact (Klug & Whitfield, 2003). Delpit (1995) found that Alaska Native children are comfortable with stories told over longer periods of time and in installations, as opposed to the orientation- conflict-resolution pattern taught and expected in the Western paradigm. American Indian students are more likely to take their own meanings from stories, rather than concur with a teacher’s interpretation (Delpit, 1995). Overall, American Indian learning modalities are characterized by more time for reflection, collaborative and holistic learning, less explicit teacher direction and more respect for elders and the community. Indigenous education approaches are valuable within and beyond American Indian communities. While there are differences between tribes and across contexts, American Indian education modalities traditionally emphasize learner responsibility as they create “resourceful, independent individuals who felt strongly obligated to their kin and neighbors” (Lomawaima & McCarty, 2006, p. 29). In 32 contrast, teachers in urban high schools where the majority of students are White typically employ teacher-directed, competitive, individualistic and fast-paced learning activities. Instruction from six different high school teachers throughout the day can be stressful, especially if teachers are not aware of adapting instruction in culturally responsive ways. The extent of the mismatch between teaching styles and preferred learning modalities will likely be greater for more “traditional” students. Traditional American Indian students, including those transferring from reservations, may feel confronted by classroom interactions that “require them to behave in ways that run counter to expectations of socially appropriate behavior” in their communities (Philips, 1983, p. 115). Code Switching and Crossing Borders Red Pedagogy (Grande, 2004) identifies a need to preserve and further the sovereignty of American Indians while also creating effective means of border crossing. The border crossing required of urban American Indian students takes a number of forms: physical, academic, social, emotional, cultural, linguistic. American Indian students who live on the reservation and commute to the urban high school in this study need to travel over an hour each way, crossing the border of their sovereign tribal nation. They may have attended reservation elementary schools where tribal languages were taught and may still live on the reservation or in urban communities where they are surrounded by Indian languages, cultures and ways of knowing. American Indian students in learning environments where they are a minority can face emotional burdens, such as stereotyping 33 by non-Native teachers (Rogers & McLendon, 2015; Stanton, 2010). Another risk is being labeled as “apples (white on the inside, red on the outside)” (Stanton, 2010, p. 176) for pursuing education. Grande (2004) reflected on the border crossings between western and Indigenous ways of thinking and being that were required during her school years, “between fact and fiction, spirit and reason, theory and practice … the temporality of Western space and insisting upon the fluidity of traditional time” (p. 4-5). Red Pedagogy requires a construct of border crossing that is place-based, connected to land and sacred places that were inhabited by previous generations and that inform the lives of each generation. Other scholars focus on the ability of American Indian students to bring balance as they negotiate urban schools and colleges, rejecting the terminology of “walking in two worlds.” Joseph and Windchief (2015) propose a conceptual model of self- empowerment, “Nahongvita”, broadly applicable to educators working to close achievement gaps for American Indian students. In addition to drawing on their knowledge of community and history, Indian students maintain a sense of belonging with their “Home”, defined as the “environment providing primary cultural resources” (Joseph & Windchief, 2015, p. 80), such as a reservation or urban Indian community. At the same time, they can extend their identity in the new “home”, the urban learning environment “introducing secondary cultural resources” (Joseph & Windchief, 2015, p. 80). Even when some negotiation is required as students “learn to play the game,” students and their teachers who can develop familial relationships in educational contexts foster balance and success. Educators ought to inform themselves through research and 34 relationships about the fundamental importance of community and “Home” for American Indian students. Working with Indian students and families affirms cultural identity, offers protective factors and enhances learning outcomes (Joseph & Windchief, 2015). Although it is important for teachers to be aware of culturally informed patterns of communication and adapt the learning environment responsively, leaders in multicultural education also emphasize the ability of American Indian students and others from non-dominant groups to succeed in mainstream academic environments. Culturally responsive teachers celebrate linguistic diversity and honor home languages in the classroom, but also explicitly teach “Standard English” because it is the language of economic success, “and all students have the right to schooling that gives the access to that language” (Delpit, 1995, p. 68). White teachers should not be paralyzed by fears of being perceived as racist or insensitive if they teach academic English and maintain high standards, but rather cultivate the “humility required for learning from the surrounding context when entering a culturally different setting” (Delpit, 1995, p. 56). Like students from other cultural groups, urban Indian students learn to code switch between behaviors expected in home and school cultures (Klug & Whitfield, 2003). Culturally responsive or bicultural teachers can facilitate code-switching. Given the different ways that American Indian and White students traditionally or typically communicate and learn (Delpit, 1995; Klug & Whitfield, 2003; Philips, 1983), code switching for urban school entails making eye contact, self-advocating with adults, asking questions and contributing to discussions when called on, and adapting to the fast pace and often-competitive environment of urban high schools. 35 When learning environments are experienced as overwhelming, disrespectful or hostile, American Indian and other students from marginalized cultures can choose resistance. In other words, they can decline to code switch and remain silent. Tuck and Yang (2013) found that graduation comes at the cost of fragmented racial identity with disruptions to kinship for some youths of color. Some minority youth resist success in school because they are seen as “acting white.” Schools silence youth when they condone rather than critique social injustice, such as racism. However, Tuck and Yang (2013) stress that it is important not to romanticize and valorize academic resistance and dropping out because the consequences, such as long term underemployment for minority youth, reinforce inequality rather than change it. San Pedro (2105) reported that urban Native youth are silenced when “their knowledges counter the dominant settler knowledges.” In a decade long research study with Navajo youth, Deyhle (1995) found that youth who were more secure in their Indian identity were less likely to undermine their own success by resisting academic success. They were not caught in the struggle of choosing between academic success and cultural suicide. Approaches and Programs for Engaging Underserved Students Assimilative Models Students from marginalized communities can be supported towards educational goals through various programs. The Advancement Via Individual Determination (AVID) Program was developed by San Diego teacher Catherine Swanson in response to the needs of low-income Latino and African American students who were routinely 36 relegated to non-college preparatory courses (Hubbard & Ottoson, 1997). Swanson created an elective class rich in writing, inquiry, note taking and collaboration, thereby addressing a number of effective learning skills and strategies (Wagner, 2008) as well as aspects of Culturally Responsive Pedagogy which will be discussed in a subsequent section. The class also provided a psychological safe haven for the thirty students who agreed to do regular homework in exchange for the support needed to apply for and be successful in four-year colleges. Since its inception in 1980, AVID has spread to throughout the United States to over 4,800 sites. Gay (2010) cites AVID as an example of an empowering program and culturally responsive teaching because it provides social and personal supports to marginalized students. Although the documented success of AVID’s methods is commendable and has contributed to the academic success of many Latino and African American youth, it could also be categorized as “teaching the exceptional and culturally different” (Sleeter and Grant, 2009). If educators teach students organizational skills, test taking skills and other “cultural capital” necessary to succeed in mainstream education without also challenging the Eurocentric curriculum and cultural bias in assessments, the goals of multicultural education and social justice remain elusive. If students of color graduate with a strong sense of cultural identity due to the AVID program and contribute to social justice as teachers and other professionals, then one could argue that the program is contributing to social justice and educational reform in the longer term. Congress authorized the “Gaining Early Awareness and Readiness for Undergraduate Programs” (GEAR UP) program in 1998 (US Department of Education, 37 2008). GEAR UP is designed to increase access to postsecondary education for low- income students and families. Participating schools have student populations where 50% or more are eligible for free and reduced lunch. Services begin no later than seventh grade and include teacher training, parent education, tutoring, mentoring and college field trips. All students in the targeted grade level(s) are eligible for GEAR UP services, but participation is optional. In Montana, GEAR UP serves 8,800 students in eighteen high schools and their feeder middle schools, including 5,800 American Indian students (Montana University System, 2014). Services support a range of state initiatives for meeting national and state standards and raising graduation rates, as well as funding for all juniors to take the college admission tests (Montana University System, 2014). Matching students with mentor-teachers or other adult mentors is a targeted strategy that has been implemented with underserved students with some success. Check & Connect is a successful mentoring program used in urban Midwest elementary and middle schools (Anderson, Christenson, Sinclair & Lehr, 2004). Anderson et al. (2004) used quantitative data to establish that quality relationships between mentors were associated with improved attendance and academic engagement. In Johnson and Lampley’s (2010) study, students identified as being academically “at risk” at a Northeast Tennessee middle school participated in a school-based, voluntary mentoring program over a school year. The mentors were teachers, coaches, secretaries, and custodial staff. In another study of urban minorities, faculty mentored Latino and African American high school students with a positive impact on engagement and a dramatic reduction in discipline referrals (Holt, Bry, & Johnson, 2008). 38 Indian education specialists at Montana’s Office of Public Instruction recommend “assigning adult advocates to students at risk of dropping out” (Smoker Broaddus & Munson, 2011, p. 47) on the basis of intervention evaluations from the Institute of Education Sciences (IES, 2008). In Alberta, Canada, researchers who reported on 18 intervention programs found that mentoring was successful in helping First Nations, Métis, and Inuit students boost self-esteem, develop self-advocacy skills, and take more responsibility for their own learning (Gunn et al., 2009). Interviews with twelve Haudenosaunee (Iroquois) college graduates mention the positive impact of college faculty who offered to mentor some students (Waterman, 2007). Faculty members’ willingness to provide encouragement and opportunities was more important than cultural knowledge, in the opinion of mentees. On the other hand, American Indian students can connect with a culturally responsive teacher who becomes an invaluable resource in bridging the gulf between home and school cultures (Rogers & McLendon, 2015). For example, the student in Rogers and McLendon’s study (2015) benefitted from a teacher who advocated for her and tutored her after school. The student felt safe and respected with this culturally responsive teacher, and she was able to access support during a brief period of difficulty at home. Transformative Models for Engaging Underserved Students While programs like AVID, GEAR UP and many mentor programs ask students to develop academic capacity and a range of skills that help them to become more successful in mainstream learning environments, other programs encourage educators to include knowledge and approaches that make the learning environment more inclusive. 39 Moll (2015) provides recent examples of teachers bringing “funds of knowledge” from students’ home cultures into the curriculum. One approach to working with funds of knowledge involves teachers visiting the households and communities of their students to discover experiences and forms of labor that can form the basis of engaging and relevant curriculum. Another approach involves the use of family dialog journals, and yet another uses digital and multimedia texts to bring students’ funds of knowledge into the curriculum. In each case, teachers become learners in order to make space for student voices and concerns. This has become a necessity, according to Moll (2015), because teachers rarely live in the communities in which they teach any more. Third Space provides a theoretical framework for learning environments that can be a “rearticulation, or translation of elements that are neither One ... nor the Other ... but something else besides, which contests the terms and territories of both” (Bhabha, 1994, p. 41). This vision of a third space can apply to inclusive and empowering spaces for American Indian and other marginalized students in mainstream urban schools. A four week summer program offered at the University of California, Los Angeles for the children of migrant farm workers used the theoretical concept of the Third Space (Gutierrez, 2008), drawing on forms of literacy that privilege home culture and language, “oriented toward a form of ‘cosmopolitanism’ characterized by ideals and practices of a shared humanity, a profound obligation to others, boundary crossing and intercultural exchange in which difference is celebrated without being romanticized” (p. 148-149). Stanton (2010) found that Native high school students in a reservation bordertown school benefitted from educators who supported “the possibility of a new Native identity within 40 a critical Third Space” (p. 333) by honoring Native knowledge in their teaching, and providing respect and recognition without causing embarrassment. These teachers encouraged Native students in and beyond the classroom, working in synergistic ways with families and community. Critical Theory and Indigenous Perspectives Critical theorists provide a framework for responding to the marginalization of individuals and groups, including American Indian students in urban schools. Brazilian educator, Paulo Freire, offers a way to understand and respond to oppressive and colonizing forces in education. Freire described and rejected the “banking concept of education” (1970, p. 72), whereby teachers deposit knowledge into students, who passively receive and store information. Liberation pedagogy requires the oppressed to develop a critical consciousness through dialog. Liberation is “a praxis: the action and reflection of men and women upon their world in order to transform it” (Freire, 1970, p. 79). American Indian students in urban high schools may experience liberation pedagogy when they can initiate discussion and research issues they find important to their own identities and lives. Liberation pedagogy is more than an intellectual concept and requires a deep level of thinking and commitment and power sharing by educators and students. Critical Race Theory (CRT) within educational contexts is a radical critique of the status quo, including forms of multicultural education that teach tolerance while failing to deal with educational inequities and trivializing cultural differences. Ladson-Billings and 41 Tate (1995) use CRT to examine the impact of racism and capitalism on American education, whereby “people with ‘better’ property are entitled to ‘better’ schools” (p. 54); predominantly White schools have superior facilities and technology, more course offerings and more appropriately certified teachers. CRT also draws attention to ethnocentric curricula and argues for the inclusion of stories and naming one’s own reality as means of “psychic preservation of marginalized groups” (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995, p. 57). Additionally, the lack of cultural diversity in teaching faculty and educational leadership is problematic because “without the authentic voices of people of color (as teachers, parents, administrators, students, and community members) it is doubtful that we can say or know anything useful about education in their communities” (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995, p. 57). Tribal Critical Race Theory (TribalCrit) has its roots in Critical Race Theory (CRT), but specifically addresses the concerns of American Indians (Brayboy, 2005). TribalCrit sheds light on the liminal space occupied by American Indians, between being a race and members of sovereign nations. Many American Indian students are dual citizens of both the United States and the tribal nation in which they are enrolled; while the students themselves might not be enrolled, their parents or grandparents might hold tribal enrollment. For Indian students in urban schools, the liminal experience is reinforced as they enter multicultural spaces off the reservation. At urban schools, their unique status as members of sovereign tribal nations with unique cultural heritages and languages may not be recognized or appreciated, especially if they are not identifiably Indian in their physical appearance or “Native-language cadences” (Klug & Whitfield, 42 20013, p. 8). Some students feel misunderstood or oppressed by “issues of blood quantum and skin color” (Bergstrom et al., 2003, p. 29). Blood quantum refers to the amount of Indian blood required for enrolment in a particular tribal nation, often one quarter. Another tenet of TribalCrit is that “governmental policies and educational policies towards Indigenous peoples are intimately linked around the problematic goal of assimilation” (Brayboy, 2005, p. 429). The dominance of Eurocentric curriculum and perspectives (Sanchez, 2007; Sleeter & Grant, 2009; Stanton, 2012) reflects the pervasive influence of colonization on mainstream education. Perhaps the most important awareness TribalCrit offers teachers of urban Indian students is to remain vigilant against assimilationist agendas. TribalCrit calls for learning environments that allow students to cultivate and maintain their cultural integrity (Brayboy, 2005). Teachers and learning environments that fulfill this criterion may be viewed as protective factors for American Indian students. Grande argues that educational reform must happen concurrently with the struggle against “global capitalist forces of encroachment, appropriation, commodification, and colonization” (2004, p. 65). Otherwise, educational reform will be “a deeply insufficient (if not negligent) Band-Aid over the incessant wounds of colonialism” (Grande, 2004, p.19). Red Pedagogy departs from the Marxist foundations of Critical Theory to embrace the spiritual nature of the Indian worldview and to focus on sovereignty and self- determination. 43 Multicultural Education Many scholars have contributed to the discussion of multicultural education, which aims to better engage diverse learners and create a more just society by preparing all students with the skills of critical thinking and civic discourse. In the 1990s, Ladson- Billings’ research with successful teachers of African American youth proposed Culturally Relevant Pedagogy that can “address student achievement but also helps students to accept and affirm their cultural identity while developing critical perspectives that challenge the inequities that schools (and other institutions) perpetuate” (1995, p. 469). Ladson-Billings found that eight teachers successful in this pedagogy varied in their classroom practices, but shared certain theoretical underpinnings: a belief in the academic ability of their students, participation in the local community, fostering respectful relationships with and between students, and a willingness to question and be questioned by students. James Banks’ influential theory of Multicultural Education has four levels of curriculum integration, beginning with a shallow “contributions” approach where discrete cultural topics such as heroes and holidays are added to Eurocentric lessons in a tokenistic manner (2008, p. 54). Red Pedagogy also decries “the deep deficiencies of the off-the-shelf brands of multiculturalism, which espouse the empty rhetoric of ‘respecting differences’ and market synthetic pedagogies that reduce American Indian culture to the ‘celebration’ of food, fads and festivals” (Grande, 2004, p. 26). Level two of Banks’ theory is the “additive approach”, where more multicultural content is added but the overall curriculum structure remains unchanged. For example, an English teacher 44 includes a novel by an American Indian author, but student responses focus on recalling plot details. The “transformational approach” in Banks’ third level involves restructuring the curriculum so that students can view concepts and issues from different perspectives. With a transformational approach, students are also able to see the westward expansion of the United States as eastern invasion. An important means of achieving transformational learning in Banks’ model is through the knowledge construction process. Similar to Freire’s dialogical approach (1970), knowledge construction refers to a “transformative, action-oriented education that can best be implemented when students examine different types of knowledge, freely examine their perspectives and moral commitments, and experience democracy in schools” (Banks, 2008, p. 63). Such a transformation starts when teachers first have the opportunity to confront their own lack of knowledge and stereotypes about American Indians (Carjuzaa, 2012; Gay, 2010; Klug & Whitfield, 2008). Then, inviting American Indian guest speakers and cross-cultural exchanges can provide “valuable learning for non-Indian educators and their students alike” (Carjuzaa, 2012, p. 12). Level four in Banks’ curriculum transformation model is the “social action approach.” Building from the transformational learning in level three, students respond to social justice issues they perceive in their local or global community with personal, social and civic actions. For example, students who studied the life and achievements of Apsàalooke (Crow) chief, Joseph Medicine Crow, voted in an online survey to name a new middle school in his honor (J. Jeffers, personal communication, April 6, 2016). Banks (2008) briefly addresses dimensions other than curriculum content, 45 including “prejudice reduction”. He calls for an “empowering school culture” with attention to assessment techniques and de-tracking. For example, empowering assessment techniques might include allowing students to redo assignments and count their best grade. De-tracking allows all students the opportunity to take advanced classes with rigorous content. These provisions in school culture allow equal access to quality education for all students. “Equity pedagogy” (Banks, 2008, p. 54) refers to teachers informing themselves about the cultures of their students and modifying instruction to draw upon students’ cultural strengths. However, Banks’ main focus is curriculum content and knowledge construction, rather than pedagogy. “Multicultural social justice education” is the preferred approach in Sleeter and Grant’s (2009) typology of Multicultural Education. This approach involves supporting cultural pluralism, reaching out to families and encouraging students to take on the role of scholar activists. This deep level of content integration with social justice activism is similar to Banks’ (2008) “social action approach.” See Figure 1. Sleeter and Grant (2009) contrast this deep level, multicultural approach with two common assimilationist approaches. The “business as usual” model affirms monoculture and blames educational failure on students and their families. Secondly, teachers operating in the “teaching the culturally different” approach build bridges to close achievement gaps, such as tutoring or mentoring, without challenging the assimilationist status quo. In the “human relations” approach, popular with elementary school teachers, cultural differences are celebrated with an emphasis on improving feelings about self and others. Past and present injustices are overlooked, so the mainstream culture is still privileged. Sleeter 46 and Grant (2009) also identify “single-group studies” focusing on content about one group, such as a stand-alone Native American Studies course. A single-group study empowers students in the target group and educates non-group members. Some are elective courses, while others integrate the information about one cultural group throughout the curriculum for all students. Sleeter and Grant (2009) include more discussion on class, gender, sexual orientation and ability than Banks (2008). Banks (2008) and Sleeter and Grant (2009) focus on curriculum rather than pedagogy, although arguably one is not possible without the other, while other theorists focus more on how content is taught, and the relationship between teachers, students and the community. In addition to Native languages and curriculum content, Grande calls for “pedagogies of disruption, intervention, affirmative action, hope, and possibility” (2004, p. 26). Geneva Gay (2010) calls for Culturally Responsive Pedagogy, a process that requires sustained commitment as teachers develop an instructional style that embraces “the cultural knowledge and skills of ethnically diverse students” (2010, p. 213). Gay contends that conventional reforms hampered by familiar deficit model thinking, biased textbooks and canned remediation programs are inadequate. A paradigm shift for America’s mostly White, female, middle class teaching force requires us to understand our own culture and the historical oppression that created and perpetuates disparities for so many people of color. Gay invites teachers to care for students, not just about them. She provides details about how teachers can do this by maintaining high expectations while offering genuine respect and warmth. 47 Multicultural Education in Practice to Serve Indigenous Communities Paris (2012) offers a new label for the work of culturally relevant or responsive educators, Culturally Sustaining Pedagogy (CSP). He places greater emphasis on “ensuring the maintenance of the languages and cultures of African American, Latina/o, Indigenous American, Asian American, Pacific Islander American, and other longstanding and newcomer communities in our classrooms” (p. 94). McCarty and Lee (2014) point out that in the case of Native Americans, assimilationist Western schooling has “separated their identities from their languages and their lands” (p. 103). Consequently, Indigenous education sovereignty now requires a revitalization, hence McCarty and Lee’s (2014) terminology, Culturally Sustaining/Revitalizing Pedagogy (CSRP). McCarty and Lee (2014) present two case studies of CSRP in urban schools. The Native American Community Academy (NACA) in Albuquerque serves approximately 400 students in grades 6-12 with Indigenous philosophies infusing the curriculum and three language programs: Navajo, Lakota and Tiwa. Puente de Hózhǫ́ in Flagstaff, Arizona also successfully embodies CSRP in a trilingual (Spanish, Navajo, English) public magnet school, K-5. Both schools consulted with local communities to create a public charter or magnet school that revitalizes languages and addresses the desire for identity and linguistic security of Indigenous youth (McCarty & Lee, 2014, p. 117). These achievements come without sacrificing success in state mandated, monolingual tests, because access to opportunities including college and well-paid jobs is also important to parents. 48 The development of culturally responsive teachers requires a paradigm shift in pedagogy that extends well beyond the integration of multicultural curriculum content. Klug and Whitfield (2003) describe the stages of becoming a bicultural teacher of American Indian students in a recursive process. Stage one involves learning about stereotypes and prejudices, especially those acquired in childhood from families, peers and school curriculum. The second stage requires confronting our prejudices through relationships with Native people, which is often an uncomfortable process. Stage three involves redefining perceptions of Native culture, expanding one’s cultural knowledge and adjusting one’s teaching. Stage four occurs when teachers open up to new experiences. Stage five involves adjusting and reshaping one’s cultural identities and examining the world from multiple perspectives. For example, bicultural teachers are more likely to be sensitive towards the culture shock of American Indian students transferring from small reservation schools to large, urban schools. In stage six, bicultural teachers experience transformation, with the acceptance of a lifelong cultural journey. Beyond curriculum choices, bicultural teachers work to create synergistic learning communities in supportive environments, working as healers and helping students to “code switch” (Klug & Whitfield, 2003, p. 142). Such teachers build trusting relationships and maintain high expectations with consistent warmth (Gay, 2010; Klug & Whitfield, 2003). Culturally responsive teachers of American Indian students involve American Indian families and communities in schools (Klug & Whitfield, 2003). They consult parents and grandparents as much as possible and invite elders as guest speakers. 49 Culturally responsive teachers also attend community events, such as powwows, basketball tournaments and Indian Relay. Whether family engagement occurs through community events or in-class support, it is important to build understanding and nurture relationships genuinely and sustainably, avoiding tokenism. The connecting conversation about multicultural education since the nineties has continued to call for (1) equitable academic success of students who have been marginalized by dominant culture approaches, (2) the inclusion and maintenance of home cultures, histories and languages, and (3) challenging the power structures and inequities endemic to education and society. Over the past twenty years, leading voices in this conversation have shifted emphasis from increasing the academic success of minority students to sustaining/revitalizing home cultures and languages and radically restructuring public education. Indian Education for All in Montana The goals and evolving theories of multicultural education provide a context for Montana’s Indian Education for All (Carjuzaa, Jetty, Munson & Veltkamp, 2010). Indian Education for All (IEFA) is mandated in Article X of Montana’s constitution: “The state recognizes the distinct and unique cultural heritage of the American Indians and is committed in its educational goals to the preservation of their cultural integrity” (Montana Constitution, 1972, Art. X, Section 1.2). In 1999, State Representative Carol Juneau brought further legislation to codify the intent of the legislation: “Every Montanan should learn about American Indians in a culturally responsive manner, all school 50 personnel should understand and effectively relate to Indian students and parents, and educators should work with tribes to implement IEFA” (Juneau & Smoker Broaddus, 2006, p. 194). This language highlights the intent of IEFA to go beyond the content integration emphasized in Banks’ (2008) model and also achieve culturally responsive pedagogy. See Figure 1. Figure 1. Multicultural & Responsive Education Models The twin goals of IEFA are (1) to reduce anti-Indian bias among all students resulting from a lack of information about American Indians, and to (2) better engage 51 American Indian students by reflecting their history and experience within the curriculum (Carjuzza et al., 2010; Juneau & Smoker-Broaddus, 2006). In 1999, leaders from the twelve tribal nations in Montana gathered to write seven Essential Understandings Regarding Montana Indians as guiding principles of IEFA (MOPI, 2001). In brief, these core concepts address tribal diversity, individual diversity, the cultural continuum, federal policy eras, reservations, historical perspectives, and tribal sovereignty. See Appendix C for more detail. When funding was finally provided for IEFA in 2005, two million dollars was also allocated to tribal colleges for the writing of authentic tribal histories (Carjuzaa et al., 2010). Tribal Nations continue to contribute to the enhancement of IEFA, especially through the Montana Advisory Council on Indian Education (MACIE). This group of representatives from the twelve tribes of Montana reviews IEFA policy and curriculum (Carjuzaa et al., 2010; Juneau & Smoker-Broaddus, 2006). Urban Indians are also represented on MACIE, with members from urban school districts. Tribal leaders, elders and cultural presenters are a constant guiding force for IEFA, from their presentations at statewide conferences to cultural presentations in classrooms, when invited. The implementation of IEFA in Montana draws significantly on Banks’ theory of multicultural education (Banks, 2008; Elser, 2010). In the first years of IEFA funding, a strategic plan for whole school transformation targeted librarians in order to circulate resources and support librarians in removing biased texts (Carjuzaa et al., 2010). By 2010, OPI’s Indian Education division had presented approximately 600 workshops across the state, reaching thousands of educators (Carjuzaa et al., 2010). The Essential 52 Understandings Regarding Montana Indians are now fleshed out in hundreds of lesson and unit plans. Montana’s Common Core Standards infuse IEFA, so for example, tenth grade students are required to “analyze the development of complex characters, including American Indians” (Montana OPI, 2011, p. 40). Dr. Shane Doyle (2015), in his keynote speech to the IEFA Best Practices Conference, reflected on ten years of growth and progress with IEFA. Doyle compared IEFA to a newborn infant, since the Apsáalooke (Crows) observe gestation taking ten moons. Still in its infancy, he contended that IEFA needs its family and community to watch over and nurture it. Much has been achieved in ten years, and the Best Practices Conference typically celebrates the most inspiring achievements. The 2015 conference included two days of presentations by tribal representatives, reflecting requests by teachers to delve deeper with tribally specific cultural knowledge. Beyond resources and curriculum, effective IEFA implementation also requires culturally responsive pedagogy. Two 2015 recipients of the Teresa Veltkamp IEFA Advocacy Award are leaders in culturally responsive professional development, JoLena Hinchman with the Trainer of Trainers program based in Great Falls Public Schools, and Casey Olsen with the Montana Writing Project. Both programs require participants in professional development to deconstruct their own cultural background, which is a first step in becoming a bicultural/culturally responsive teacher (Gay, 2010; Klug & Whitfield, 2003). The Trainer of Trainers and Montana Writing Project programs also facilitate ongoing dialog between teachers and American Indians, including cultural immersion opportunities on reservations. Thus, teachers participating in these programs 53 are invited to improve their cultural knowledge through relationships and experience. One of the 2016 recipients of the IEFA Advocacy Award, Robin Lovec, teaches 5th grade in Livingston, Montana and leads a project wherein mostly White students meet and learn with students from an elementary school on the Crow reservation. Crow students sustain their culture, history and language, while sharing with non-Native peers (R. Lovec, personal communication, 12 May, 2016). While curriculum resources, book clubs and Indian guest speakers are appreciated by Montana teachers on their IEFA journeys, the most transformative impact comes from relationships between Montana’s mostly White teachers and American Indians (Carjuzaa, 2012). In particular, teachers say that reservation visits expose them to the overwhelming generosity of Indian people, experiential learning for themselves and their students, greater awareness of their own Whiteness, and increased empathy. Increased empathy can be a catalyst for transforming schools when teachers view education from the perspective of underserved Indian students. They become aware of Eurocentric curriculum (Sanchez, 2007; Stanton, 2012). Empathic teachers want to challenge the “business as usual model” (Sleeter & Grant, 2009) and work to disrupt it with pedagogies of affirmative action and hope (Grande, 2004). By accessing professional development and using available IEFA resources, educators are gradually delivering the promises of IEFA, honoring the knowledge, histories and experiences of Montana Indians. Leading the way with IEFA is a group of “knowledgeable, passionate and inspirational educators,” both Indian and non-Indian (Baldwin, 2012, p. 153). These IEFA leaders excel in attention to the needs of fellow 54 teachers, including those who are resistant to IEFA. IEFA advocates in Montana’s multicultural urban schools are primarily engaged in implementing transformative and social justice approaches related to literate and cultural pluralism, not linguistic pluralism. Culturally responsive teachers in urban schools infuse the histories and cultures of American Indians, but few, if any, urban schools offer Native languages within the curriculum. Cultural and linguistic immersion programs favored in CSRP are currently more feasible on reservations where the majority of students are from one or two tribes, and, therefore, share traditional languages and cultures. Immersion programs are also feasible in charter and magnet schools such as Puente de Hózhǫ́ and NACA (McCarty & Lee, 2014). The situation is quite different in urban public schools serving multicultural cohorts where American Indian students are often a minority and drawn from many different tribes. Moreover, those Indian students range from traditional to bicultural and assimilated (see critical definitions). In urban public schools, culturally responsive teaching enables teachers to recognize, affirm and incorporate the cultures of all students. In Montana, IEFA rightfully mandates the inclusion of American Indian perspectives, but culturally responsive teachers can also address Hispanic culture, for example, which is a significant factor in some neighborhoods. Urban teachers who recognize their own culture, typically their own Whiteness, can be on a path to respecting students’ Indian identities in the curriculum, as well as respecting other ethnicities, the experiences of differently abled students, LGBT students and even the social media culture of millennials. 55 Successes and Failures of IEFA Reflecting on the forty-year journey of building IEFA, Carjuzaa, Baldwin and Munson (2015) point to strategies and alliances in accounting for its success, compared with the fate of other ethnic studies programs, such as Arizona’s Mexican American Studies program. IEFA is mandated across all grade levels and subject areas, thus improving education for all students, not just one ethnic group or a group who elects to take the course. It is, in effect, an interdisciplinary single-group study (Sleeter & Grant, 2009). This approach allows “Indian students to see themselves reflected in the curriculum while allowing other students to see through windows into other cultures” (Carjuzaa, Baldwin & Munson, 2015, p. 203). Furthermore, leaders of IEFA have cultivated champions in the legislature, state agencies, tribal colleges, higher education and a cohort of K-12 coaches. In spite of many examples of progress with IEFA across Montana, much work remains to be done. Despite collaborations between the legislature, OPI, educators and tribal nations, there are undoubtedly school districts and individuals resistant to IEFA for various reasons (Bachtler, 2015). De La Mare (2010) documented one example of an urban Montana high school where students, especially White males, were allowed to treat Indian cultural presenters with disrespect. All of the ten social studies teachers in that district found various reasons not to implement IEFA beyond “additive approaches” (Banks, 2008, p. 53) or a “human relations approach” (Sleeter & Grant, 2009, p. 85). De La Mare laments that IEFA is unlikely to succeed because “it presents a challenge to this fragmented, time-oriented, and ultimately monocultural school system” (2010, p. 255). 56 Fortunately, IEFA advocates are ready and willing to deal with pockets of resistance in a continuum of cultural awareness by continuing to offer tribally specific resources and professional development where they emphasize that individuals are not expected to take on blame, shame or guilt for past injustices (Baldwin, 2012; Carjuzaa et al., 2010; Carjuzaa, 2012). However, research on IEFA implementation remains limited. Summary Significant and growing numbers of American Indian students at urban high schools face difficulties beyond the challenges experienced by other teens. Their families sometimes move for economic and educational opportunities, but also seek cultural connectedness in urban centers. American Indian youth experience high emotional risk factors in urban areas. Various mentoring and achievement programs aim to better support the achievement of American Indian and other underserved students. Through a lens of TribalCrit and other Indigenous theories, these struggles and the lower graduation rates of American Indian students can be attributed to the wounds of colonialism (Grande, 2004). More creative and critical thinking in schools (Michie, 2005; Wagner, 2008) would benefit all students, including American Indian students. Multicultural Education calls for the inclusion of home cultures and languages, as well as pedagogy that embraces the learning modalities of all students. In Montana, IEFA mandates the inclusion of American Indian perspectives throughout the curriculum, but the extent to which this occurs in a culturally responsive manner depends largely on individual teachers and administrators. One goal of culturally responsive implementation of IEFA 57 is to reduce the achievement gap for American Indian students by reflecting and affirming their heritage and living cultures in their education. 58 CHAPTER THREE METHODOLOGY Introduction The failure to equitably engage and support American Indian students towards high school graduation indicates a need for further research. Educators and policymakers need the stories behind data points to determine where to best focus available resources in the face of what can seem like overwhelming challenges. Listening to the voices of urban American Indian students, especially those who are “miracle survivors”, may help researchers identify pockets of possibility and protective factors. These may include personal qualities and resilience, family and cultural supports, IEFA, culturally responsive pedagogy, and specific achievement or mentoring programs. On the other hand, American Indian students may share unexpected stories. This research uses case study interviews and document analysis in Community Based Participatory Research (CBPR) (Israel, Schulz, Parker, & Becker, 1998; Stanton, 2014) to identify protective factors and pockets of possibility from the perspective of three American Indian graduates of Lincoln High School (pseudonym) in a Montana city, Sapphire (pseudonym). In this section, I describe my experience and relationship to three co-researchers. I also describe the research site and methods of data collection and analysis. Particular attention is given to awareness of my identity as a cultural outsider and addressing the hazards this introduces for providing trustworthy findings that may be just and useful to American Indian students and their educators. 59 Positionality I am a dual citizen of Australia and the United States and a White, female teacher with 28 years of experience in three urban high schools. At age nine, my family of five moved from Perth to Darwin on Australia’s tropical north coast. Being closer to Indonesia than any other Australian cities, Darwin is very multicultural, with significant Aboriginal and Asian populations as well as a large Greek community. Looking back, I see powerful ways in which this environment influenced my Irish Australian family. My mother worked as a nurse, mostly with Aboriginal people in the “long grass” on the outskirts of town, and then in remote communities that she served as a flight nurse for the Royal Flying Doctor Service. She developed relationships in many communities and occasionally invited Aboriginal health workers to stay with us on weekends. My father seemed to let go of the prejudices typical of his generation because of the relationships we each formed. As a child, I recognized diversity mostly by the intriguing contents of our lunch boxes. My many Asian friends ate curries and raw mango dipped in chili powder, while I had ham and cheese sandwiches; we envied each other. Some Aboriginal classmates came from remote communities to attend the boarding facility at my Catholic high school. I knew that they spoke their languages, but I did not think much about it. Aboriginal cultures and languages were unfortunately not part of my education. The lack of multicultural curriculum surely perpetuated ignorance and racism. Although I liked my Aboriginal classmates, I recall occasionally using racist terms without being fully aware of the hurt and injustice they perpetuated until years later. I doubt that any of my 60 non-White classmates ever saw themselves reflected in the curriculum or halls of our schools, but I suspect that it was hardest on Aboriginal students who were living in their ancestral homeland, yet “have been invisible in schools” (Carjuzaa, 2010, p. 197). In spite of these injustices, I experienced a pervasive and genuine Christian ethos at school. It was not a fundamentalist education preoccupied with personal morality, but more focused on one’s inner life and service. The year after I graduated, Mother Teresa was a guest speaker at my high school, and I had the privilege of listening to her. I graduated from college, certified to teach English, French and Drama. The experiences of diversity I had in Darwin were built upon when I moved to Central Australia and started teaching in 1989. The middle school where I first taught was 15% Indigenous at that time; when I left in 2008, the Indigenous student population was over 50%. A defining moment during my first year of teaching occurred when I reprimanded a student for writing vulgar comments in her organizer and she called me a “fucking White cunt.” I was floored to hear such language in a classroom and disturbed by the racial nature of her reaction. Although the student was sent to detention for her outburst, our interaction was a wake up call to me about the perception of racism, the dangers of shaming students, my Whiteness and the experiences of prejudice regularly endured by students of color. I resolved to try and show my respect for Aboriginal students and the cultures and experiences of all my students through my actions. I eventually took an Arrertne (local Aboriginal tribe) language class and continued to educate myself. A Senior Secondary College for eleventh and twelfth grade students, where I also taught for eight years, won 61 “Most Improved School in Australia” in 2001 for effectively closing the achievement gap for Aboriginal students; I was honored to be part of that social justice work. I seemed to be in the right place at the right time, riding a wave of raised consciousness around many social justice issues affecting Aboriginal people. Both schools at which I taught offered Arrernte and Asian languages as well as Aboriginal Studies through twelfth grade. In my subject areas of English and the Performing Arts, there were guidelines for multicultural education but no mandate; most of my colleagues and I considered it common sense and good practice. For example, I invited Aboriginal grandmothers as guest instructors in my dance classes and met them in the dry riverbed to learn Arrernte dance with my students. We regularly read literature by Aboriginal authors. Students interviewed their elders and wrote biographies. I learned so much from Central Australian students and families during nineteen years of teaching there. Just before I emigrated from Australia in 2008, Prime Minister Kevin Rudd issued a national apology to Aboriginal People for many destructive federal policies inflicted on them, especially during the Stolen Generation when generations of children of mixed descent were removed from their families for the purpose of forcibly assimilating them into White Australia. I never felt more proud to be Australian than on that day, as I heard the Prime Minister express sincere sorrow for the injustices inflicted on Aboriginal people. As a consequence of my experiences in Alice Springs, I sought out American Indian culture when I began teaching in Montana in 2008. I invited myself to Native American Club and joined an ad hoc group of teachers wanting to better engage our Indian students. With support from this group, I launched and coordinated a mentoring 62 program, matching willing teachers with underserved American Indian students. An important moment occurred when I helped to organize a drum group to come and play at a pep assembly. We were unsure of the reception that students dancing in regalia would receive, but approximately two thousand students and faculty greeted them with thunderous applause. One of my colleagues asked why this had never happened before. As I thought about the 70 year history of our school in Indian Country, I could only wonder the same thing. Although I am an outsider for the American Indian community, I now work for the Indian Education department in my school district. In 2013, members of the Native community asked me to serve as Interim Director for Indian Education during a six- month period of crisis. I was anxious about stepping into this role, but did so after receiving the blessing of two elders who each had over twenty years experience working for Indian Education in the school district. I continue to advocate for students and families, but my primary role now is instructional coach for high school teachers as they implement IEFA. For all my democratic philosophies of education, I still catch myself being the insensitive, fast-talking, fast-walking, White teacher. Becoming a multicultural educator, especially for Indigenous students, is definitely an ongoing, recursive process for me (Klug & Whitfield, 2003). I believe that I have become a better listener and that I make time for relationships, which is a tricky juggling act in the environment of large, urban high schools. I never set out to be a multicultural or social justice teacher. I just wanted to be a 63 good teacher and have fun. In trying to fulfill my vocation to be fully human (Freire, 1970), I was led to a “radicalized love” (Darder, 2011, p. 180), especially for urban Indigenous students. Throughout 28 years of teaching, I have been blessed with a number of cultural mentors. I may tend towards being naïve and optimistic, but I accept that about myself especially as long as I continue to try what I can for advancing social justice and multicultural education within my sphere. Having experienced what I view as cultural shift towards social justice and the celebration of diversity in high schools, I believe that relationships with students and families provide teachers with valuable insight. Decolonizing Methodologies Research with urban American Indian graduates calls for decolonizing methodology, centering Indigenous concerns and worldviews for their purposes (Smith, 2012). In addition to the requirements for design and ethical behavior expected of all researchers, research focusing on Indigenous communities should be useful, friendly and just. These guidelines are important for me as a White researcher studying the experience of American Indian students, especially as deficit orientations dominate educational research and constitute the “business as usual” approach to pedagogy (Sleeter & Grant, 2009). Within the sphere of education, Smith (2012) claims that it is particularly important for Indigenous people to claim space and ask their own questions. She advocates for “colonized peoples to continue to engage, against all odds, in this 64 imaginative, creative activity” (pp. 202-203). In an attempt to use decolonizing methodologies, I used Community Based Participatory Research (Israel et al.,1998; Stanton, 2014) and reached out to American Indian high school graduates as co- researchers. CBPR is a research orientation that respects the values, views and experiences of members of the community (Israel et al., 1998; Stanton, 2014). For this CBPR, I worked with American Indian graduates. I invited them to pose questions of me, share significant stories and experiences from their perspectives and then analyze the data with me. Archibald (2008) stresses the importance of elders and mentors in guiding Indigenous research. However, urban Indian community contexts typically do not have established cultural protocols as they represent a range of tribal nations. In Sapphire, students are enrolled in or descendants of more than twenty-one different tribal nations. Furthermore, students and their families range on a continuum from traditional to assimilated (MOPI, 2001). Some have lived in an urban environment for generations, while others travel to and from the reservation regularly, speak their tribal languages and participate in cultural ceremonies. The school district Indian Parent Advisory Committee (IPAC) provides guidance and community oversight for school district programs that affect American Indian students. With members who are parents and grandparents from a range of tribal nations, professions and life experiences, I consulted IPAC as a hub of cultural wisdom that can help to fulfill the role of elders in the urban Indian community. Prior to beginning my proposal, I sought input from the IPAC committee for their suggestions and 65 collaboration. I continued to seek guidance and input from IPAC and from tribal leaders with whom I maintain personal and professional relationships. I invited feedback on research goals and design, input into interview questions, cultural protocols for gifting, and the meaning and spelling of words in tribal languages when those words came up during interviews. Research with urban Indian high school graduates is an example of survivance, defined as “a condition in native stories and literature that denies victimization” (Vizenor, 1995, p.6). The word itself is constructed in a way that echoes not only “survival,” but also “resistance,” “persistence” and resilience.” Survivance encourages active and empowered responses from Indigenous students and communities. It is heard in creation stories, trickster stories, and also the tragic wisdom gained from the adverse experiences of colonialism. Indigenous scholars favor survivance as a decolonizing methodology (Grande, 2004; Smith, 2012). Researchers and educators have much to learn from the stories of survivors, hopefully developing “a pedagogy will help shape schools and processes of learning around the ‘decolonial imaginary’” (Grande, 2004, p. 176). I chose CBPR to explore the protective factors that supported Indian students overcoming obstacles to graduation because I hoped to affirm the identity and spirit of Indigenous youth, as well as the actions of any people or groups who assisted them on their path to graduation. Relationships, Reflexivity and Reciprocity I invited three high school graduates with whom I have trusting relationships to be 66 co-researchers. The relationships between a trusted researcher familiar with some aspects of American Indian culture and high school life can enhance the likelihood of participation in the research and the data collection (Stanton, 2014). For these reasons, the three co-researchers constitute a “purposeful sample” (Creswell, 2013, p. 156). In Indigenous research contexts, relationships hold a central importance: “Research must accurately reflect and build upon the relationships between the ideas and participants” (Wilson, 2008, p. 101). Relationships also created greater relational accountability, meaning that I was more likely to check my heart for selfish motives and consider how to positively impact others because of the relationships I maintain with my co-researchers and their families (Wilson, 2008). Even with good intentions, issues of power and control require constant vigilance in CBPR. Reflexivity required critical thinking about processes, relationships, community sensibilities and the quality and richness of data (Smith, 2012). I have become aware of cultural protocols that respect community sensibilities and relationships. For example, non-verbal cues and longer wait time are important. In many American Indian communities, people are accustomed to having more control over when they speak (Klug & Whitfield, 2008; Philips, 1983). Academic refusal and silence can be forms of resistance (Tuck & Yang, 2013). As a teacher, I have experienced this silence when asking, even indirectly, about family members, situations at home and reasons for absence that were perceived as insensitive or difficult for my students to discuss. I reminded myself to be fully present, thoughtful and respectful throughout this research, using a journal to think through topics, questions and 67 responses. Journaling before and after interviews with co-researchers led to more responsive topics and questions that yielded energetic discussion about factors that protect American Indian students in urban high schools. Although I was mindful of respect and sensitivity, the gratitude and trust I have experienced from many American Indian students and family members has taught me not to be paranoid. I followed traditional and contemporary protocols in gifting co-researchers as a matter of reciprocity. When sitting down to talk and interview, I always shared food and drinks. Gifts included plants such as sage and sweetgrass that are used in ceremonies. When I consulted with IPAC members and other cultural elders, I bought lunch or coffee as an expression of gratitude. With young co-researchers, I respected their time by paying an hourly rate of ten dollars. I hoped to make it easier for them to make time for the research. I also hoped to affirm the validity of higher education and research as a means of future economic security for these young high school graduates, one of whom is already a college student. I sought advice from IPAC and my committee in confirming appropriate means of compensation. A scrapbook created during data collection was also a meaningful gift that the co-researchers created for themselves. Sharing and reporting research findings according to the wishes of co-researchers and cultural guides is another important means of reciprocity (Smith, 2012; Stanton, 2014). As such, I plan to share findings and recommendations in requested forums and formats. These may include conference presentations at Montana’s Indian Education Best Practices Conference, the Montana Indian Education Association conference and the Montana Educator Conference. I can also share findings in conversations or 68 presentations with the Sapphire school district leadership. Local groups will be important forums for sharing, particularly the Indian community. This includes IPAC and a recently formed grassroots organization called the “Native American Race Relations Healing Symposium”, in which I participate along with many active leaders from the urban Indian community. Case Study Overview In brief, this research involved a collective case study of three American Indian youths who graduated from Lincoln High in 2014 and 2015. Using CBPR, I invited graduates with whom I have long standing and trusting relationships to be co-researchers. I also consulted IPAC members and other elders from the same tribes as my co- researchers as cultural guides. After receiving informed consent, co-researchers and I created scrapbooks capturing aspects of their high school careers, drawing on aspects of Photovoice (Delgado, 2015) that allow youth to tell their stories in visual forms and make meaning from their experiences. The scrapbooks provided a way to gather memories of high school and reflect on their protective factors. As such, aspects of Photovoice were a source of data but were secondary to the interviews. Co-researchers and I participated in three in-depth, semi-structured interviews exploring their achievements and the protective factors which contributed to their high school graduation. The interviews were audiotaped, transcribed and shared with the respective co-researcher for member checking. Co-researchers collaborated with me in analyzing the scrapbooks and interviews using open coding and then a priori categories 69 related to protective factors. Another data source was a family member focus group discussion held with the mother of one co-researcher. Case Study Site The participants for this research graduated from Lincoln High School in Sapphire. According to 2010 census data, Sapphire has a population of 104, 224 and is 89.6% White. The city’s Hispanic population is reported at 5.2%, compared to 2.9% statewide. Four point four percent of the city’s residents identified as American Indian or Alaska Native (AI/AN). However, census data for American Indians are under reported according to the director of a Native community organization (M. McLean, personal communication, July 2, 2014). At Lincoln High in 2014-2015, 7.9% of students identified at AI/AN, and some of the 3.5% who identified as multiracial are also AI/AN. See Table 3. The Growth and Enhancement of Montana Students (GEMS) database reports that the Lincoln High has 32% economically disadvantaged students as defined by those eligible for free and reduced lunch. The school district’s coordinator of services for homeless students has assisted an average of 66 homeless students each year out of an approximate total student population of 1,300 at Lincoln High from 2010-2015 (S. Runkle, personal communication, February 16, 2016). Table 3 reports the GEMS data for Lincoln High School students’ ethnicity in the 2014-2015 school year, when two out of three co-researchers were in their final year of high school. 70 Table 3. Lincoln High School Enrollment by Ethnicity Number of Students Percentage White 1,295 75.4% American Indian 136 7.9% Hispanic 165 9.6% Other * 60 3.4% Multiracial 61 3.5% Total 1,717 * Black or African American, Asian, Native Hawaiian or Other Pacific Islander From my experience of tracking the achievement of American Indian students at Lincoln High and knowing most of them individually as a teacher and then as Interim Director of Indian Education, I claim that a significant number of the multiracial students identify as American Indian and hold federally recognized tribal affiliation. Furthermore, I would attest to a higher rate of transience in American Indian students than that of the general cohort, so the data does not necessarily reflect the full enrollment of American Indian students. Overall, these factors would suggest that Lincoln High School has approximately 10% American Indian and 10% Hispanic student populations. In the 2015-2016 faculty of 147, including support staff, five are American Indian or Alaska Native, roughly 3%. This percentage of Indigenous staffing is commensurate with other Montana schools (M. Smoker-Broaddus, personal communication, April 5, 2016). Two staff members working for the Indian Education department are located at Lincoln High School, from of a total eleven full time Indian Education staff in the Sapphire school district. These Home to School Coordinators track and counsel Indian 71 students as needed, do home visits, and generally support a range of students’ academic and personal needs. Home to School coordinators also co-sponsor Native American Club with a member of the teaching faculty. Elected student leaders, club members and sponsors plan activities to celebrate American Indian cultures throughout the school and provide a supportive social network for Indian students. Lincoln High offers a number of advanced placement courses, including English, Spanish, calculus, statistics, US government, and US and world history. Students have a wide range of athletics and many after school activities at Lincoln High because is it an AA school (Montana High School Association, 2015). Lincoln High is located close to two Montana Indian reservations. Travel to these reservations generally requires driving for one to two hours each way, some of it on country roads. Sapphire’s average low temperatures of 18 °F in December and January can make travel on icy roads treacherous. Three high schools are located in town centers on the reservations, thirty-five miles from Sapphire in one direction and eighty or one hundred miles away in another. According to GEMS, in the 2014-2015 school year, the three reservation high schools had enrollments of 45, 95 and 102. Attending school on the reservation, students are surrounded by Native language, culture and relatives. However, the range of activities and courses offered at small reservation schools is relatively limited. For example, no advanced placement classes were offered at these three reservation high schools in 2014-2015. Students from the two reservations close to Sapphire also have the option of a bordertown high school (enrollment 443, and three advanced placement courses) and a parochial school with boarding facilities (enrollment 72 450). The Indian Education Department in Sapphire implemented a summer program, “High School 101”, in 2011. All American Indian students entering high school are invited to spend two weeks late in August preparing for high school with a curriculum based on academic goal setting, communication skills and affirming students’ cultural identity. Students receive school supplies, tour colleges and also earn a semester elective credit. Approximately 25 students attend this program each year, approximately 6% of the incoming Native 9th graders. Administrators and faculty at Lincoln High have been committed to a program of professional development and reflection on student achievement for several years. A mantra of “Rigor, Relevance and Relationships” (McNulty, 2009, p. 19) led to two school wide literacy initiatives. An attendance incentive program gives students a day off school for having fewer than three absences at the end of each six week grading periods, while students with three or more absences attend school and receive individualized instruction and opportunities for make up work on that day. Online, self-paced credit recovery classes are offered to students throughout the school day and after school. Math tutoring is also offered twice weekly using federal grant funds for schools that are socioeconomically disadvantaged. At winter break in 2010, Lincoln High began a program whereby community members donated gift cards for students in financial need (M. Strouf, personal communication, March 16, 2017). Administrators, counselors and teachers made it their business to know when students needed help with food, gas, and gifts. The program was so well supported, that gift cards are available year round. 73 Along with other high schools in Sapphire, Lincoln High teachers meet in Professional Learning Communities (PLCs) for an hour every Wednesday morning. With strong administrative leadership and support, teachers have worked on formative assessment strategies, discussed and implemented interventions for students failing classes, considered grading policies that might allow more students to gain credit, and studied Common Core Standards to better align their teaching strategies, formative assessments and common summative assessments. Since 2014, seniors in the Sapphire district who do not meet Sapphire's specific credit distribution requirements have had an opportunity to recover multiple credits in the High School Equivalency Test HiSET program, which replaced the General Education Diploma (GED). For students who qualify, this HiSET program allows students to earn a regular diploma and remain in their home school. In 2009, a group of teachers including myself began meeting in our own time to discuss ideas for better engaging American Indian students. We created a survey for American Indian students in collaboration with school district Indian Education specialists. The principal granted us permission to administer the survey to Lincoln’s Indian students, approximately one hundred in number. In November 2010, Lincoln High administration also granted an American Indian colleague and me forty minutes of professional development time to present to the faculty about the challenges that many of our American Indian students face. We reviewed Lincoln High’s achievement data and graduation rates, with a focus on the disparities impacting Indian students. We briefly discussed historical trauma. Also included in the presentation were four interviews with 74 American Indian students, filmed and shared with their consent. Students talked about the importance of their cultures and languages, their experiences of school, both negative and positive, and their aspirations beyond graduation. We shared the collated results from the American Indian student survey. For example, 60% responded that they would be interested in taking a Native American Studies class; 80% reported planning on going to college; 70% reported never hearing their teachers talk about American Indian cultures and perspectives in class; 45% reported never talking to teachers outside of class periods. We wanted faculty to hear the voices of our American Indian students. At the end of this presentation, we invited teachers to volunteer as mentors for American Indian students. Thirty teachers volunteered, approximately one third of the faculty. The mentoring program for American Indian students has continued to operate since 2010. Students who are identified as struggling academically are prioritized for mentors, starting with those failing two or more classes. Mentors consciously cultivate trusting relationships with students in informal interactions during and around the school day (McCarthy, 2015). Some mentors have extra-curricular involvement with their mentees: they invite mentees to share lunch, meet at powwows, or contact families. Mentors and mentees gather for a shared group lunch each semester at school. Most mentors have their mentees in class, and encourage students to check their own grades and strengthen their study habits. Mentors advocate for their mentees to other teachers as needed and encourage self-advocacy. Interviews with mentors suggest that in the process of developing closer relationships with American Indian students, some become more culturally responsive (McCarthy, 2015). Mentors get to know 75 students on a personal basis. Some learn about students’ home languages, their reservations. An Indian Education staff member at Lincoln says that mentors ask more questions about how to relate in culturally appropriate ways to American Indian students and families, and they ask for more assistance and resources in implementing IEFA. Some mentors experience uncertainty and heartache when their mentees transfer, struggle or drop out (McCarthy, 2015). In 2011, the mentors suggested offering after school homework tutoring for mentees. This evolved into a program that continues to operate. Although Homework Help is open to any student at Lincoln, Indian Education staff identify students who have assignments due or low grades, and encourage them to attend. Computer access, tutors and snacks are offered in a friendly environment. Evidence of the IEFA journey in the Sapphire school district includes an annual powwow held since 2011. All teachers and paraprofessionals are required to take a two- hour training on IEFA and culturally responsive practices in working with American Indian students and families. School administrators and secretaries also receive training appropriate to their roles. Throughout the school year, instructional coaches offer many professional development sessions focusing on or infusing IEFA, and teachers have opportunities to welcome American Indian cultural presenters and attend field trips. IEFA literature selections are mandated K-12. A powerful example of the impact of IEFA in Sapphire occurred when a small group of parents protested a book written by a Native author, citing profanity and stereotypical depictions of American Indians. The school board voted unanimously to retain the novel after approximately 150 people, 76 including many American Indian students and parents, packed the boardroom. At the time the co-researchers were attending Lincoln High, “Native pride” seemed to be on the rise. American Indian students danced in traditional regalia at assembly for the first time in 2010, and since then, there has been a drum group, dancers or other sharing of culture each year, either at a spring pep assembly or during American Indian Heritage Week. A series of banners celebrating student heritage and identity through poetry hang in the halls. One includes the lines, “I am from dancing on a tightrope between two cultures/I am from city to reservation/ I am from the drum, the beat beneath my feet.” All high schools in the district allow American Indian students to wear eagle feathers at graduation, an indication of honor and significant achievement in American Indian cultures. Lincoln High also allows any student to decorate the top of their graduation cap; most American Indian students take the opportunity to bead their caps with traditional designs. In 2012, when I started working for the Indian Education department in the school district, I was located at Lincoln High as an Academic Coach. In 2012-2013, I conducted a curriculum diversity audit focusing on teachers’ implementation of IEFA. Although only one third of the teachers responded to this emailed survey at the end of semester, responses indicated some thoughtful and creative IEFA infusion. Science teachers included Crow and Blackfeet astronomy, stone arrowheads and traditional uses of bison. Math teachers used the tipi in geometry and estimation lessons. English teachers addressed bias, media stereotypes and U.S. federal government’s genocidal policies towards American Indians. Spanish teachers studied invasion and colonization of 77 Montana tribes in conjunction with the history of tribes in Mexico. One Social Studies teacher used a primary source on the Iroquois constitution and another referenced IEFA relevant sections from Howard Zinn’s A People’s History of the United States. Teachers also wrote about class discussions, collaborative learning and encouraging students to share their home cultures. In the section for requesting assistance, some asked for help and expressed feeling inadequate, especially in addressing contemporary issues. Twelve Lincoln High teachers have participated in the Montana Writing Project during summer vacation. This three week intensive professional development is heavily infused with multicultural education theory and IEFA. Six of these teachers have gone on to share their IEFA best practices at teacher conferences. One is writing IEFA high school math lessons for Montana’s Office of Public Instruction. Another Lincoln High teacher has initiated discussions about introducing Native American Studies as a senior social studies class. As an IEFA instructional coach, I would characterize Lincoln High’s IEFA implementation as moderate (Bachtler, 2015) driven by individual teachers’ choices. Lincoln is a school on the multicultural journey, where most teachers are willing to move forward and many are using additive approaches (Banks, 2008) to curriculum content integration. This group of teachers occasionally incorporates primary sources reflecting Indian perspectives. They occasionally take students on field trips and welcome elders and cultural presenters in class. A few teachers seem to be operating regularly at the transformational and social justice levels (Banks, 2008). These teachers use collaborative learning strategies and inquiry based approaches to raise student voices and incorporate 78 different perspectives on topics. Still, Lincoln High is in most respects a typical urban high school with a six period day where class sizes are large and the daily struggle to rise above mediocrity is gritty, frustrating and rewarding (Michie, 2005). Educational leaders in Montana and in the Sapphire school district express a great deal of concern about the lower graduation rates of American Indian students. Graduation Matters Montana provides annual reports and the Indian Education Division of Montana’s Office of Public Instruction produces an annual report on American Indian Student Achievement. In recent years, high school graduation rates for American Indian and White students have improved across Montana, but a gap of approximately 20% persists for American Indian students (MOPI, 2014). Research could help to provide direction for ongoing efforts to engage students and support them towards graduation. Participants The trusting, longstanding relationships I have with the co-researchers and their families was necessary for respectful, decolonizing research in Indigenous contexts. I was mindful of maintaining and honoring trust throughout the case study using CBPR (Stanton, 2014). One of the co-researchers graduated in 2014 and the other two graduated in 2015. These youths are enrolled members from two different tribes with reservations close to Sapphire, approximately one hundred miles away. I use the real names of co-researchers out of respect for their wishes and our relationship (Wilson, 2008). 79 Alexandria3 Alexandria (Alex) in an enrolled member of the Northern Cheyenne tribe. Alex’s family is very supportive and involved with her education. Alex’s mother moved from the reservation to Sapphire in order for Alex to attend Lincoln High and access more course offerings and academic opportunities. Alex was often stressed during high school as she tried to maintain perfect grades. She was aware that she was one of only a few members of the Northern Cheyenne tribe at Lincoln High. Alex graduated from Lincoln with high honors in 2015. She regularly attended homework tutoring. Alex challenged herself, worked hard and excelled throughout high school. She took advanced math classes, four years of foreign language and travelled to Spain and Costa Rica with Spanish Club on trips. Alex was president of Native American Club for two years, and was accepted into the Indigenous Scholars of Promise Program, a mentoring program to assist Indigenous students in applying to Ivy League and other colleges. Alex also attended High School 101 so I have known her for five years. She was a student in my English class for second semester of 9th grade I often tutored her and gave her rides home after school. We keep in contact and she shares some of her college essays with me for feedback. I visit with Alex when she is home from college and have helped her mother with college paper work. Desi is in her second year at college in Colorado. 3 Real names of co-researchers are used at their request, in keeping with IRB guidelines and Indigenous research methods (Wilson, 2011). 80 Kayla Kayla is an enrolled member of the Crow tribe. She has spent a significant amount of time with her grandparents and extended family, so she understands much conversational Crow language. Kayla loves music and is a powwow dancer in the women’s traditional style. She is extremely loyal to her family, helping to raise her niece and nephew according to the traditional ways of her tribe. Keeping steady housing was an ongoing struggle for Kayla’s mother. During 11th grade, Kayla went to live with her father and attended school in a bordertown. She finished 11th grade at a high school on the reservation when she moved back with her mom. Kayla returned to Lincoln High for 12th grade. Kayla graduated from Lincoln in 2015. She is very academically capable across content areas. I have seen her attain excellent grades on research papers, and math teachers commented on how quick she is to grasp content. She had approximately twenty absences each semester in high school, which undermined her achievement. Kayla played two instruments in band throughout high school. I have known Kayla since before her 9th grade because her mother signed her up for High School 101, which I coordinated. I became her mentor during 10th grade. Kayla’s mom wanted to provide the best opportunities for her daughter, and she asked if Kayla could live with me during her senior year so that she could graduate from Lincoln. My husband and I welcomed her into our home until her mother could return to Sapphire from the reservation; this occurred halfway through first semester. Sharing our lives in this way brought us closer together but also created some tensions, as Kayla missed her 81 family and worried about them. My relationship with Kayla has brought me to a deeper understanding of kinship, family responsibilities and many aspects of culture. Her family honored my husband and me at her graduation ceremony with a blanket and a speech expressing their gratitude. As a result of the co-researcher relationship involved in this study and the tens of hours we spent together, Kayla asked if she could once again move back to live with me. Today, she is working as an assistant at an assisted living facility and working towards several life goals. Chad Chad is an enrolled member of the Crow tribe. He is well liked by a large circle of friends, and I have always found him to be a genuine and thoughtful young man. Chad’s mother and father have been very involved in and supportive of his education. They live on the reservation but wanted their sons to have the advantage of graduating from a large urban school with more curriculum offerings. Chad’s parents attended Indian Education family nights and other school functions. Both parents graduated college. Chad graduated from Lincoln High in 2014. He graduated in four years, but he needed to recover credit in six classes in order to graduate on time. Chad was a mentee in Lincoln High’s mentor program for American Indian students during 9th and 10th grade. During Chad’s senior year, he became a spokesperson for American Indian issues in class discussions. When Sherman Alexie’s novel The Absolutely True Diary of a Part Time Indian was the subject of a book challenge by a group of parents in the Sapphire school district, he became an activist, using my office and assistance to create petitions. He 82 effectively lobbied support from fellow students to testify at a school board hearing. I knew Chad and his older brother quite well through their involvement in Native American Club, which I co-sponsored. Chad was also a student in my French class during 9th grade. Our relationship is built on six years of mutual support and respect, in and beyond the school environment. Since graduation, I maintained contact with Chad on Facebook and have been a referee when he applied for a job. Chad lives on the reservation and works in Sapphire, which is 35 miles away. Data Collection This study applied collective case study methodology where the one issue of American Indian high school graduation is selected with “multiple case studies to illustrate the issue” (Creswell, 2013, p. 99). The data sources that contributed to the collective case studies were interviews with three recent American Indian high school graduates, an interview with one mother of one of the graduates and compilations of documents and artifacts in scrapbooks, which were then analyzed. Reflective journaling throughout the research supported my reflexivity, enabled me to refine questions and clarify thoughts throughout the study; co-researchers were also invited, but not required, to journal. Creswell (2013) suggests a limit of four or five participants for a collective case study to maintain depth and quality of analysis. The integration of participatory methods is more intensive than traditional approaches to case study. This study also involved the additional layer of research in the development of scrapbooks, drawing on aspects of 83 Photovoice (Delgado, 2015), hence the limit of three participants. Although it is not meaningful to generalize in qualitative case studies, this collective case study illustrated some different and similar experiences between and among three urban American Indian students in their efforts to graduate high school. Qualitative CBPR inquiry using case study interviews can effectively record and convey many aspects of complex human behavior and attitudes of interest in this research. The qualitative approach is time intensive, which is complicated in this case by the fact that I am a cultural outsider. Case study placed less time burden on individual co-researchers than narrative research, for example, where it would have been necessary to collect extensive information through active collaboration (Creswell, 2013). Case study, while still an in-depth qualitative methodology, allowed the researchers to focus on a “bounded system” (Creswell, 2013, p. 97), in this case, graduation from a specific high school, and the factors that contributed to students achieving this milestone. This case is also bounded temporally, limited to students who graduated in 2014 and 2015. I chose to focus on students who graduated within the past two years with the assumption that two years is short enough a time period for memories of high school to be relatively clear and programs and school culture to be somewhat consistent with current practice. Case studies are generally “current real-life cases that are in progress” (Creswell, 2013, p. 98), so the most recent graduates align most closely with this criteria. While it is somewhat true that I used a convenience sample with three co- researchers already known to me, my choices were also purposeful in including male and female co-researchers from more than one tribe, and with a range of challenges that they 84 faced during high school, including transferring schools, frequent travel to and from the reservation, and life challenges consistent with those faced by many urban Indian students. (For more information on these types of challenges, see Chapter Two.) Importantly, I have trusting relationships with these Lincoln High graduates because I was a classroom teacher, an academic coach working for Indian Education and a trusted advocate throughout their high school career. These relationships are vital to credible and respectful Indigenous research methodology using CBPR, especially as I am a White researcher (Smith, 2012; Wilson, 2011). I limited the boundaries of this case study to include only graduates because research with high school dropouts would not yield as much relevant data about protective factors contributing to graduation. Before starting interviews with co-researchers, I obtained their informed consent and communicated the purpose and process in plain language. See Appendix B. We met in locations comfortable for the participants and according to their preference, such as cafes, restaurants, breakaway rooms at the public library and my house. At each meeting, I provided a shared meal in keeping with cultural protocols. At an initial meeting prior to the first interview, I shared the purpose, plan and approximate schedule of the research with co-researchers. In addition to discussing the cycle of three interviews, I introduced the concept of creating a scrapbook of each co- researcher’s high school experience to enhance recollections of high school and provide images and artifacts that might bolster the narratives. Drawing on aspects of Photovoice, a form of visual ethnography (Delgado, 2015), this scrapbook was a collection of photographs, yearbook excerpts, quotes, mementos and documents to reflect their high 85 school journey. In Photovoice, pictures are taken and then used as a vehicle for generating information and discussion. Other researchers have used this methodology to make space for youth voice and give them greater agency over their lives (Delgado, 2015). I explained to the co-researchers that we would gather existing pictures, documents and mementos to explore their perceptions of education, their resilience and the protective factors that contributed to high school graduation. The purpose of the scrapbook was both to enhance the interview data and provide some images that might be incorporated into the findings. After the initial meeting to gain informed consent, I went shopping with each co- researcher for scrapbook materials. They chose an album cover, craft paper and decorative stickers. During the first interview, we spent some time planning the scrapbook. I came prepared with printouts of pictures I had taken or collected of them and various activities throughout high school, any newspaper articles related to their high school experience and a list of all their high school classes and teachers. Co-researchers chose to include some of the pictures and documents I offered for their scrapbook and rejected others. They also brought photographs to scrapbooking sessions and forwarded digital photographs from their cell phones to me in between sessions. Although we spent some time during the first two interviews planning for or working on the scrapbook, we also organized separate sessions to work on the scrapbook. We did this at my home where we had access to a color printer, photo quality paper, paper cutter, glue, cardstock and other required supplies. During these sessions, we ate, listened to music and talked about many topics related to their memories of high school 86 and life in general. I acquired school yearbooks from all four years of their high school career for scrapbooking sessions to provide further pictures and documents. Co- researchers also used the Internet to source images, such as historic photographs of their chiefs, or quotes from role models. When we felt that we had sufficient images, articles and other items to layout a scrapbook, the co-researcher created piles of images and items on my dining room table. I asked the co-researchers to suggest a name for each group of images, which became sections in their scrapbook. Co-researchers named sections chronologically, thematically or according to some other rationale that was meaningful to them. They then created and printed a title page and category titles using Word documents. This shared craft project provided the option of an activity that aligns with the visual and kinesthetic learning modalities of many American Indian students (Bergstrom et al., 2003; Pewewardy, 2002). Choosing, arranging, and commenting on pictures and memorabilia from their school experience also provided more time and stimuli to recall and reflect on high school years because “words fall within the spheres, or domains, of adult researchers and are disempowering to youth. Words alone cannot capture the lived experience” (Delgado, 2015, p. 135). Co-researchers made all of the choices about selection, layout, and color scheme, with me as a willing assistant. If they asked, “Do you think this picture should go in the scrapbook?” I would reply, “What do you think? It’s whatever you want it to be.” The scrapbook became a gift they gave themselves, while also facilitating discussion. We completed their scrapbook before the third and final interview, and then used the scrapbook as an anchor for that session. I took a photograph of each page of the 87 scrapbook to retain for data analysis and the co-researcher kept the scrapbook. This study also used a series of three semi-structured, in depth interviews to provide “enough time, privacy, and trust so the participant would relate his or her experience, and to some extent, make some sense of it” (Bergstrom et al., 2003, p. 177- 178). Interviews were audiotaped and transcribed. I provided each co-researcher with transcripts for validation at the start of the following interview and after the third interview. Within CBPR, especially when the researcher is a community outsider, having opportunities and time to make sense of the interview data is essential to an authentic collaboration and analysis. In order to provide further opportunity for reflection and sharing, I recapped main topics and themes periodically throughout each interview. For example, I said, “Last time we talked about ...” and “I’m getting an impression from what you’re telling me…” and “Am I hearing that right?” I provided each co-researcher with a journal to brainstorm and reflect during and after sessions, but made it clear that journaling was not required of them. However, reflexive journals enhance data collection with “youth participants who face challenges in the recall of memories or who find that writing enhances their experiences” (Delgado, 2015, p. 136). At the beginning of the second and third sessions, I invited co-researchers to share entries from their journal. Interviews explored protective factors that contributed to urban Indian students’ graduation, such as members of their family, cultural practices, teachers, examples of IEFA, credit recovery and mentor programs. See Appendix A for the interview protocol. In the first interview, co-researchers and I explored recollections of high school in 88 general, and gradually focused in on protective factors. Themes collaboratively generated by co-researchers and myself guided the second and third interviews, as well as the scrapbooking process. For example, we included photographs of teachers, friends, role models and family members identified as protective factors. We revisited areas of interest from previous interviews and went into further detail with follow up stories, discussions and questions. Although co-researchers were reminded that they could steer the conversation and I periodically invited them to do so, I also guided them to share about the protective factors related to the conceptual framework: (1) family and cultural protective factors, (2) culturally responsive pedagogy including IEFA and (3) district and school programs. At the start of each session I informed or reminded co-researchers that they could ask me questions or initiate any stories of their high school years, their resilience and protective factors. For example, I would ask, “Do you have any thoughts to start a conversation about…?” Before ending each session, I reminded them about asking me questions or sharing other memories, thoughts and stories. Triangulation is making “use of multiple and different sources, methods, investigators and theories to provide corroborating evidence” (Creswell, 2013, p. 251). In addition to triangulating with data from interviews with three co-researchers and the variety of artifacts and documents collated in their scrapbooks, I included one more source of data, a meeting with Alex’s mother. I originally planned to conduct a family focus group but when her grandmother was unable to travel from the reservation to join us, I conducted the interview with Alex and her mother. We began with a shared meal that I prepared at my home. After socializing and arriving at a comfortable situation, I 89 obtained informed consent verbally and with a signed consent. See Appendix B. I explained the research purpose in plain language and asked for permission to audiotape the meeting. Then I initiated a discussion about the protective factors that contributed to her child’s high school graduation. I was able to draw on our relationship built over many phone conversations, meetings at school, spending time together at powwows and other Indian Education events. In a responsive manner, I guided discussion about the protective factors provided by family members, cultural practice, teachers, IEFA and particular school and district programs relevant to Alex’s education. I invited Alex’s mom to suggest topics, with prompts like, “If any thought comes to your mind, just jump right in,” and “I don’t always know the right questions…” This meeting was transcribed and shared for member checking before analysis. I used my journal to reflect on my memories of each co-researcher throughout high school and refine the questions from the interview protocol to more appropriately explore the protective factors of each individual. As I was transcribing interviews, I used my journal to note follow up questions for the next session. I noticed and reflected on any lapses or shortcomings in CBPR practices, especially in the early interviews when I was a little anxious and occasionally caught myself talking over co-researchers. Equally, I noticed when my wait time seemed respectful and helpful, when I recapped effectively or used an effective open question that allowed the co-researcher to take control of the topic or share something powerful that would likely not have emerged without the time we took and the trusting relationships that existed between us. When I contacted or met with my cultural mentors about appropriate gifts and correct spellings in Crow and 90 Northern Cheyenne, I noted those in my journal. This research project was demanding and rewarding for the co-researchers and for myself, especially given the CBPR orientation. Some of my journal entries became a form of self-talk when co-researchers repeatedly needed to reschedule. I reminded myself to persist with “regular contact but not harassment,” remaining “persistent and positive.” As I once again walked alongside these three young adults, journaling helped me process thoughts and emotions. I was better able to make meaning of my own stories about the protective factors of these three young people and the work of social justice teachers. I have been experiencing the chest pain, melancholy and powerlessness I used to experience as an academic coach working with these beloved “underserved” students. It has me thinking about how maybe some of us as educators and advocates also cross borders between cultural worlds, priorities and concepts of time as we come into contact with students and families’ dealing with chronic illness, grief, struggle for wellness and basic needs and try to work out ways to make academic outcomes possible and meaningful. I wonder if we experience some of that dislocation and push/pull that it looks like our students experience. Other journal entries provided me with an opportunity to reflect on my profound gratitude. I gave Alex a ride to the airport back to college on Saturday. Her grandma told me that she loves me… Alex is in great form. Before she boarded the plane, she said, “Group hug!” Alex, mom, auntie, two grandmas and I linked arms in a circle in front of TSA and Grandma prayed in Cheyenne. So I am beside myself busy, and in that powerful experience we come to sometimes as teachers, (emerging) scholars, human beings and lovers of young people where I am in the grip of something much greater than myself. 91 Data Analysis Co-researcher interviews and the focus group meeting were transcribed and checked for accuracy by the relevant co-researcher or family member. I used the scrapbook categories created by the co-researchers for “initial coding” (Saldaña, 2009, p. 81) (Family and Culture, Friends and Role Models), as these were meaningful themes created by the co-researchers. I created a code book of the categories and codes created by the co-researchers, and I referred to this code book during my close analysis of interview transcripts. Next, I conducted a line-by-line analysis of the interviews using these codes. During this step, I also conducted “open coding” by scrutinizing data to determine “a small set of themes that appear to describe the phenomenon” (Leedy & Ormrod, 2010, p. 143). I coded segments of interview data that seemed relevant to the co-researcher’s protective factors as Other Important, to note emergent themes or concepts not identified by co-researchers through the scrapbook analysis. I created possible descriptions and names for data in the Other Important open codes, such as IEFA and School Community. My assignment of open codes was sometimes informed by their alignment with multicultural education theory. For example, each co-researcher provided data about IEFA, yet none of them used IEFA as scrapbook category. Another way of arriving at the name for a code came from a key word in the data, such as the word “drive,” used by a co-researcher in reference to the pressure she chose to put on herself. Although I was willing to create open codes as necessary to accommodate all protective factors, the final narratives of findings contained very few open codes. Where possible, I tried to 92 incorporate open codes logically within the initial coding system of the co-researchers’ scrapbook categories. For example, data coded as IEFA was incorporated within categories titled Teachers and School or Diversity in the School. In some instances , I reorganized or relegated themes to be paragraphs within another theme/scrapbook category, although I did this after consulting with the relevant co-researchers. For example, Art was another section with visual appeal in a scrapbook, but the co-researcher agreed that it could logically be included as a subsection of Teachers and School section in the narrative. Graduation was a section in the scrapbook of all three co-researchers, as the celebration of a milestone, but we agreed that it was not relevant in terms of answering the research questions about protective factors that led to graduation. Therefore, I did not include Graduation sections in the narratives. While coding the first co-researcher’s data, I created an open code, Crossing Borders based on an artifact in her scrapbook and the frequency with which she discussed thoughts related to crossing borders and having multiple opportunities in life. This code of Crossing Borders emerged with all three co-researchers, and variations on this theme became a concluding section, synthesizing data from across their scrapbook categories and interviews. When the entire interview data and family focus group data was coded for a participant, I gathered all quotes into a table under columns titled with codes provided by the co-researchers. I included columns for open code data with themes/categories agreed to by the co-researchers. Taking one code or theme at a time, I synthesized data into narratives about the significant protective factors. I reviewed the corresponding scrapbook category and included descriptions of the pictures and compositions in that 93 section. I also selected a few powerful images or occasionally an entire scrapbook page to enhance and complement the written narrative about that protective factor. I remained open to significant data with negative or disconfirming evidence (Creswell, 2013, p. 251) such as a lack of support or detrimental impact from a program intended to support achievement. However, my focus remained on the protective factors of each co- researcher. Co-researchers reviewed the draft narrative sections and used comment bubbles on Word documents to make corrections and suggestions, which I then incorporated into revisions of the findings. Although I was mindful about time commitments and not imposing upon co-researchers, I sought feedback from co-researchers throughout the analysis because in CBPR, “youth empowerment cannot be turned on and off during the various phases of the research process” (Delgado, 2015, p. 137). Then, I added a layer of “focused coding” (Saldaña, 2009, p. 155) as I endeavored to situate the findings within my conceptual framework and the research literature. For this part of the process, I sought commonalities across participants and drew upon the a priori categories (1) family and cultural protective factors, (2) culturally responsive pedagogy including IEFA and (3) district and school programs and drew across all data sources: interviews, scrapbooks, and family focus group. I synthesized these findings with academic literature to create a summary of findings with thick description to focus on the voices of co-researchers. I again met with each co-researcher or communicated via email for their final input, identifying sections relevant to each co-researcher individually. Throughout the analysis, I continued to journal reflections as we 94 synthesized analysis. I consulted with co-researchers, members of IPAC committee and other cultural mentors about the dissemination of results. This will be part of the reciprocity, and I anticipate that, in addition to the dissertation, formats might include conference presentations, published articles and talks. Forums include statewide and national education conferences, particularly those focused on Indian Education. Gatherings of local Native people, including the Native American Race Relations Healing Symposium and IPAC could provide other forums for dissemination. Co-researchers have been invited to co-present in these forums and have indicated their interest in doing so, if time and geography permit. Conclusion Case Study methodology using interviews and document analysis was at the core of this research. Because I am a White, middle class teacher, I drew on aspects of decolonizing methodologies (Grande, 2004; Smith, 2012; Vizenor, 1995) to focus on stories of survivance told by American Indian co-researchers in a study that I hope will be useful, friendly and just for the Indigenous community as well as enlightening and helpful for educators in urban high schools. In addition to interviews, co-researchers created scrapbooks of their high school experience drawing on aspects of Photovoice (Delgado, 2015). These scrapbooks provided additional data and a visual tool to generate information and discussion with co-researchers. CBPR (Israel et al., 1998; Stanton, 2014) provided a respectful orientation for this case study, and drew on the relationships I 95 have with three American Indian youth who graduated in 2014 and 2015 from an urban high school. The American Indian co-researchers conducted open coding to create their scrapbook categories, which I then used as initial codes to analyze the interview data. I then conducted another layer of focused coding with the a priori codes from the research questions. The resulting analysis explored protective factors that strengthen the innate resilience of American Indian students and help them successfully graduate from urban high school. 96 CHAPTER FOUR FINDINGS Introduction My relationships with my co-researchers have been developed over five or more years, and they extend well beyond the scope of this specific study. As a result, I have been part of many personal conversations and journeys that I cannot share in this dissertation work, due to their personally or culturally sensitive nature. CBPR scholars often need to consider the boundaries of data collection and interpretation within the context of the larger, sustainable partnership, and we must be able to view ourselves and our partners as more than co-researchers. In focusing on the protective factors that contributed to these three American Indian youths graduating from a large urban high school, I omit detailed discussion of the particular personal challenges they faced. I will say overall that in my experience, these three young adults are miracle survivors. Even though I knew each of them and their families to a greater extent than is possible for most of my teacher colleagues by virtue of my roles in their lives and my work within the Indian Education department, the time I spent listening to them and compiling scrapbooks with them over the course of this research revealed to me so many more challenges and so much more strength than I imagined. Data sources included interviews, scrapbooks, and a family member focus group. For each researcher, I conducted three in depth interviews, totaling approximately six 97 hours for each co-researcher. In keeping with CBPR, co-researchers were encouraged to suggest topics, share control of the interview and pose questions of me as we explored the protective factors that enhanced their resilience and contributed to their academic success. Each interview was transcribed and member checked by the respective co- researcher when we met for the following interview, or after the third interview. Co- researchers were invited but not required to journal in between interviews, and share any journal entries as part of the data collection. In addition, each co-researcher created a scrapbook with my assistance. The scrapbooks contained photographs, documents and decorative stickers to chronicle their high school years with a focus on protective factors. At each interview session, we spent some time planning for the scrapbook, but we also met for additional sessions dedicated to creating the scrapbook in between interview sessions. Each co-researcher spent approximately twenty hours with me to create the scrapbook, which we completed before the third interview and then used as a focus for that final session. The process of scrapbooking allowed more time to develop our co- researching relationship and for the co-researchers to recall details of various protective factors, thus enhancing the interview data. Some images from the scrapbooks were also included in each co-researcher’s narrative in order to enhance the storytelling. These images were selected by me with collaboration and approval from the co-researchers. One last data source was a family focus group with one co-researcher and her mother. Interviews, once transcribed and checked by co-researchers, were coded using the scrapbook section names chosen by co-researchers as initial codes. The family focus interview was also transcribed and member checked by the mother who participated in 98 that focus group. The overall structure of each narrative was discussed with the respective co-researcher. I kept the order of themes emanating from the initial codes of scrapbook categories to a great extent, but each co-researcher included a Graduation section which we agreed to omit from the narrative as it was not relevant to the protective factors that resulted in graduation, even though it made an effective culminating scrapbook section. Additional sections that addressed protective factors, such as Drive, were agreed to by co-researchers. In each co-researcher narrative, I integrated interview and focus group data with content analysis from the scrapbooks. The emergent findings from these data sources are organized by theme/scrapbook category. Co-researchers provided feedback on the draft version of their narrative. My revisions included their corrections and addressed any suggestions made by each co-researcher in keeping with the power sharing, respect and trust required in CBPR. Alexandria’s Protective Factors Alexandria, or Alex, is an enrolled member of the Northern Cheyenne tribe. I have known her since summer 2011, and she graduated with high honors from Lincoln High in 2015. Alex and I worked on the data collection for this research during summer after her first year of college in Colorado. We met at libraries for our interview sessions and ate Mexican food and pizza as we put the scrapbook together at my home. Alex was dealing with a great deal of personal stress before and during the interviews and scrapbooking. She found the scrapbooking aspect of this research therapeutic. It was a powerful way for her to focus on her own strength, achievements and the supportive 99 network she has. The following stories about Alex and her protective factors were gathered from eight hours of interviews and twenty hours of scrapbooking. Alex’s mother participated in the family focus group with us; we planned for Alex’s grandma to join us, but Grandma was unable to travel from the reservation. Family member focus group data is also incorporated into Alex’s narrative. Her finished scrapbook contains: ● 145 images, photographs taken or provided by Alex, me, or images she sourced from the internet ● 1 whole page from her high school yearbook ● 6 illustrated inspirational quotes taken from role models ● 2 newspaper articles ● A table and graph of graduation rates for the Sapphire school district, Lincoln High School and Lincoln’s American Indian cohort ● Her high school academic transcript I used the scrapbook categories created by Alex as themes for initial analysis. These categories appear in the following order in her scrapbook: ● Family and Culture ● High School 101 ● Teachers and School ● Art ● Homework Help ● Role Models ● Friends 100 ● Native American Club ● Cultural History ● Graduation When I drafted narratives based on each theme, or scrapbook category, some interview data from the interviews were initially coded as “other important”. We agreed that I could include the synthesis of interview and scrapbook data relating to Art as a subsection of Teachers and School. We identified an additional theme, Drive, that is reported at the end of this section focusing on Alex's case. Due to constraints of space, we also removed the Friends section from this chapter and edited other sections, but the complete narrative findings about Alex’s protective factors are reported in Appendix D. The resulting draft narrative was shared with Alex. She used comment bubbles in a Google Document to offer her corrections and suggestions, which I incorporated into the final draft. Family and Culture Alex and her mother are enrolled members of the Northern Cheyenne tribe and her father is Sisseton Wahpeton Sioux. Family is an important protective factor for Alex, and the Family and Culture section begins her scrapbook. Pictures of Alex’s father with her when she a baby and then a toddler appear in this section. Her father and extended family from her father’s side also appear in the Graduation section as a testament to their relationship. In one of her senior pictures that Alex chose for the cover of her scrapbook, she is wearing a Native American star quilt made by her paternal grandmother in the purple and yellow colors of her favorite basketball team, the Los Angeles Lakers. 101 However, Alex was raised by her mom, so the Family and Culture section contains many more photographs of Alex’s mom, maternal grandmother and other relatives from her mom’s side, including cousins and even a picture of her great-grandmother. The pictures in this section reveal a multi-generational, close knit group of strong women, grounded in their Northern Cheyenne culture, enjoying the simple pleasures of life and providing essential love and support for Alex. Figure 2. Alex's senior picture 102 Figure 3. Alex's selfie with Mom and Grandma at college orientation Through scrapbook photographs and interviews, Alex shared current, everyday and annual cultural practices that are essential to her identity, such as visiting the reservation, attending powwows, and enjoying an Indian taco from “Benny’s”, whom Alex claims is the best Indian taco vendor on the powwow circuit. “They probably put like sugar or honey or something in it, the frybread, because it tastes savory and sweet ... I always crave it because I only get it once a year.” A veteran of the United States Marine Corps, Alex’s mom dances during the victory song, which is a patriotic protocol. As a drum group plays the victory song, veterans dance counter clockwise around the outside of the assembled dancers, symbolizing the protection that warriors and veterans continue to provide for the people (K. Big Back, personal communication, 26 March, 2017). Throughout her youth, Alex spent considerable time with her grandma, who speaks her first language fluently and is a respected elder in the reservation community of Busby on the Northern Cheyenne reservation. She is often smiling, and Alex likes to take random photos of her. Grandma 103 is a “traditional style” dancer in powwows, mostly on the Northern Cheyenne reservation, but also in other places across the Northern Plains. Alex admires her grandma’s traditional dance regalia, particularly her buckskin outfit complimented by a vibrant blue shawl, scarf, bone chokers and jewelry of red and blue. With pride, Alex described how “she dances in buckskin in 95 degree weather.” Through Alex’s stories, her grandmother is described as both a prayerful woman of great spiritual strength and a playful lover of life. Grandma attends Catholic mass regularly and prays to “Maheo” (Creator) in the Cheyenne language. Alex asks Grandma to pray with her and for her, and she takes comfort in smudging with Mom and Grandma. Smudging is a ritual purification by burning sweetgrass, cedar or other plants and washing the smoke over oneself. At an Indian Education family night at school during Alex’s 11th grade year, her grandma offered the blessing in Cheyenne language before the meal. Alex was given her Indian name, “Voesta’a”, meaning “White Buffalo Calf Woman”, by Rose Eagle Feathers, a respected Northern Cheyenne elder who made considerable contributions to preserving tribal history. In many Native cultures, the white buffalo is a powerful and positive omen or medicine. Twice in art assignments, Alex shared her Indian name. One was an impressive black and white collage. These choices indicate that her Indian name and her Northern Cheyenne culture are very important to Alex. 104 Figure 4. Alex's collage representing her Indian name Alex also treasures memories of her great grandmother, whose name was Martha. As a girl, Alex thought her great grandmother’s name was “Ke'éehe”, which is Cheyenne for grandma. She included in her scrapbook a photo of Ke'éehe taken at a commemoration ceremony on the anniversary of the Sand Creek massacre, one of the atrocities committed against the Cheyenne. The photograph is a moving portrait of an elder reflecting and praying for ancestors massacred in 1864. Alex also recalls the lovable individual qualities of Ke'éehe when looking at this photo. “My grandma said that she thinks she knew was going to get a picture taken so she like, fixed her hair a little,” which Alex thought was sweet and a little funny. Before the start of her 8th grade school year, Alex made a commitment not to miss any school days. Ke'éehe’s death was a great loss to Alex, and attending her funeral was the only day she missed that year. 105 Figure 5. Alex's grandma in regalia and Alex's great-grandma Throughout high school, Alex visited the reservation two or three times a month, mostly to spend time with her grandmother. Sometimes the purpose was to watch a basketball game and then return to Sapphire for school the next day; travel time is ninety minutes one way. Alex, her mom and grandma are always at the Northern Cheyenne powwow in Lame Deer on the 4th of July weekend. Alex’s mom explained the importance of participating in this event annually. Our 4th of July powwow is really important for us every year. That is our time to go celebrate with family and friends. She meets a lot of her family that she doesn’t know or never met. I always introduce her to people that are related to me and tell her how I’m related to them and what they would be to her, so that I include her, so she knows she has a big family down there. Alex also enjoys the White River Cheyenne Days powwow in late June with her grandma in Busby. She has also attended powwows on other Montana reservations, cities, and in Colorado and South Dakota. Alex struggles to find the right words to 106 describe her profound connection to the reservation as the stronghold of her Cheyenne culture: “I feel also kind of like a rejuvenation, sort of ... you feel like, renewed, when you visit the rez. It helps you get more balanced, and get away from school and people you go to school with. It’s family.” Alex attributes this rejuvenation to the rural beauty of the Northern Cheyenne reservation, the powwows and other cultural practices, but also to her awareness of Cheyenne history. In explaining this sense of renewal, Alex turned to the words on the back of her tribal identification card referring to Chief Little Wolf and Chief Dull Knife: “Out of defeat and exile, they led us back to Montana, and won our Cheyenne homeland that we will keep forever.” For further detail about Northern Cheyenne history, see the following section, Cultural History. On the other hand, the positive effect of visiting the reservation is balanced against somewhat of a disconnect for Alex because she did not grow up on the reservation. Alex explained that not growing up on the reservation makes a person “feel excluded in a way, since you’re not really, like, raised there. You don’t really know people as much, so you feel like a visitor too, I guess.” As an urban Native experiencing renewal and reconnection when visiting the reservation, Alex makes her own personal connection to her ancestors’ struggle for homecoming. In addition to the ways in which family and culture sustain her sense of identity and general wellbeing, Alex spoke about practical assistance and encouragement offered by her mom and grandma throughout her high school years. Alex’s mom explained some of the difficulties in relocating from the reservation to Sapphire for the express purpose of providing Alex with better educational opportunities: “I didn’t have family around to 107 come and babysit or help out and pick her up or walk her to school.” Her mom took care of the vast majority of household chores and allowed Alex to stay at homework tutoring sessions on a regular basis because she “wanted her to be able to study and not worry about other things. I’ve always stressed that from day one.” When Alex was feeling down, she drew strength in the pride and love that her mom expressed. Her mom told Alex that she is “a strong Cheyenne woman.” Alex’s mother also drew strength from the support of her mother and extended family. Her mom explained, “I feel blessed to be able to do this mostly solely on my own, but with the help of my family behind me too.” Alex was also inspired to persist with her high academic goals when she witnessed honor songs and give-aways at powwows. Honor songs are sung at powwows for various accomplishments by individuals, such as military service, graduations, and acts of generosity towards another individual or family (MOPI, 2009, p. 12). The honored individual may be gifted with blankets and other traditional items, and bestowed with prayers and words of thanks. Family members may join in a dance or procession with the honored individual, and members of the community sometimes give money in acknowledgment and thanks. I feel like at the powwows, when they have give-aways, honor songs and stuff like that, I feel like that’s where I get some other influences from, and hear about other people who are doing good, and going places, like Desi [Small-Rodriguez] and Melissa [Spang]... I feel like I perk up, my ears perk up or something, when I feel like I relate to other people, like where I come from and their success. I feel like I’m not as alone. In daily thoughts and choices, Alex draws on her Northern Cheyenne culture as an inspiration and a protective factor. The scrapbook cover she chose for this research project is Native-themed, decorated with arrows. She chose this design over another with 108 a decorated tipi because the Cheyennes do not decorate their tipis. Alex sometimes wore Northern Cheyenne and other Native sweatshirts to school, as well as beaded earrings. Interestingly, she did this purposefully on difficult days like Columbus Day, as a form of armor against the celebration of what was, from Alex’s perspective, invasion and genocide. Alex explained, “I also wore those earrings, beaded earrings on Columbus Day ... So people don’t say ignorant stuff to me, without like, knowing or just random ignorant things.” Graduating American Indian seniors in Sapphire are permitted to wear an eagle feather on their cap, a sacred symbol of honor and achievement for Native people. At Lincoln High, all students are also allowed to decorate their caps. Many Native graduates take this opportunity to have their cap beaded in traditional colors and designs. It meant a great deal to Alex that she could graduate with representations of her Northern Cheyenne culture. Alex explained that “Cheyenne women aren’t allowed to drum and touch eagle feathers,” so instead she had a turkey feather painted to look like an eagle feather on her cap. The feather and cap were beaded with her school colors of orange and black, to which her grandma added Cheyenne pink, “a purplish plum color.” She also wore beaded moccasins that her grandmother chose for her. 109 Figure 6. Alex at graduation with beaded cap Alex drew inspiration to stay on a good path, including her success in a large urban high school, from her regular travel to the reservation, her enjoyment of powwows and the importance she attaches to her culture. She also drew constant support from knowing that her mom, dad and grandma “were always there to keep encouraging me whenever I disappointed myself by not getting as high of a grade as I wanted, and always helped me back on my feet to keep trying my best.” Cultural History Alex chose to add a section titled Cultural History after the other categories were half completed. In this five-page section of the scrapbook, she included stories of her ancestors, the massacres they suffered and messages of resilience from the survivors. For Alex, this history is honored in annual events and contemporary Northern Cheyenne culture. 110 The Sand Creek massacre is an important event in Cheyenne history, one that Alex included in her scrapbook. In 1864, Colonel John Chivington led volunteers and soldiers to attack, kill and mutilate a peaceful camp of Cheyennes and Arapahos in Colorado, most of whom were women and children. Alex shared her knowledge of the Sand Creek Massacre when it came up in history class, informing classmates, “I went with my grandpa and my mom” during 4th grade. Her scrapbook includes a picture of the tipi poles, topped with an American flag and a white flag erected at the memorial site. Figure 7. Sand Creek massacre memorial The Fort Robinson Breakout is another important event for Northern Cheyenne people. After being forcibly relocated to Oklahoma in 1878, a group of Northern Cheyenne decided to return home to what is now Montana, but a group travelling with Chief Dull Knife were recaptured and taken to Fort Robinson in present day Nebraska. On January 9th, 1879, 149 Cheyennes broke out of the barracks in which they were 111 imprisoned. They did so trusting that some of them would make it back to the Cheyenne homeland. Alex grew up hearing the stories of the Fort Robinson Breakout: I knew that we broke out of Fort Robinson, and it was in the winter, so it was really cold. And it was after we forcibly got relocated to Oklahoma. And they decided they were homesick and wanted to come back. So they started to…And there were barracks, and they had to be in the barracks. Each year since 1995, Northern Cheyenne youth begin the Fort Robinson Spiritual Run on January 9th. In summer 2016, after her first year in college, Alex travelled with her grandma to Fort Robinson, Nebraska for the dedication of a monument to 64 Cheyennes who were killed there. Alex chose not to participate in the Fort Robinson Spiritual Run during high school because it always fell right before semester one finals, but she explained, “Every year when they broke out, people go to run, on the highway back. I’d never been to Fort Robinson until last weekend… I knew my grandma went, my cousins sometimes.” Alex included an article about the run in her scrapbook in the Cultural History section. It features a photograph of her cousin when he participated in the Fort Robinson Spiritual Run. She also included another newspaper article in her scrapbook about the dedication of the monument, which she attended in summer 2016. The article gives information about rituals for healing and purification that were performed by Northern Cheyenne tribal members. For Alex, a seventh generation descendant of Dull Knife, the barrack where her ancestor was confined “still feels haunted.” 112 Figure 8. Alex at Fort Robinson Memorial The seventh generation, referring to a Native American teaching of considering implications of one’s actions seven generations into the future, and also a prophecy of healing coming seven generations after the trauma of European invasion, is important to Alex. In one of her college application essays, Alex wrote: Our Native wisdom has taught us that healing should come in the seventh generation; now is the time…One day I hope that children on and off the reservation might look to me as another example of why they can make it. Another connection Alex has with Fort Robinson is that her great grandmother, Ke'éehe, was one of four elders who represented the Northern Cheyenne people when the bones of the Fort Robinson Outbreak victims were finally repatriated in 1993. Alex’s great grandmother and others in the delegation “had to go to Washington DC, like the Smithsonian or something, and they turned the remains over. And that she picked one of the places and they buried it in Busby.” Recalling genocidal acts committed against her people may seem at odds with this dissertation's focus on Alex’s protective factors. However, her knowledge of the Northern Cheyenne determination to return to Montana after forced relocation and their 113 courage under fire inspired Alex throughout high school. Reflecting on her own understanding of the protective factor offered by her cultural history, Alex said, “I think that it shows determination and resilience. And for Montana it makes you feel more appreciative since they risked their lives to come back here.” Maybe it helps put things in perspective…Like, I’m not starving in a barrack, so why can’t I just write the paper or something?... It’s like when things are coming at you, like, we’re still here. And Sand Creek, and normal, general Native things that happened, like smallpox and boarding schools and Fort Robinson and like regular wars and treaties. High School 101 Alex has a three-page section in her scrapbook dedicated to High School 101. High School 101 is a two-week summer program offered by Sapphire school district for American Indian students transitioning from middle school to high school. Alex found it helpful to meet teachers and other Indian Education staff before “going into a big school.” The photographs capture a range of activities, including a field trip to a bookstore to purchase summer reading books and campus tours of two Montana universities and a tribal college. The college and career-planning element of High School 101 was particularly relevant for Alex. “It’s fun visiting colleges,” according to Alex. Her career research project was the first time she learned about a sports statistician, the career path she chose to pursue as a statistics major in college. High School 101 also seeks to affirm the cultural identity of Native students, and Alex remembered “getting 100% on that tribe and reservation quiz.” Alex’s mother also spoke highly of High School 101, which “let them know what they were going to be looking forward to, actually being in the school and seeing it too.” 114 Figure 9. Alex (front) with summer reading books at High School 101 Teachers and School On the first two pages out of six in the Teachers and School section, Alex put photographs of eight teachers whom she described as “MVPs”, most valuable players. She did not necessarily take classes with all of them. Some were teachers in High School 101 who maintained an interest in the success of Alex and other Native students throughout high school. Being approachable was an important quality in teachers, “and I feel like Miss Hugs4 was the most like that.” Other MVP teachers worked the after school tutoring sessions. Alex was always striving to maintain her best possible Grade Point Average. She mentioned more than once, “I like grades,” indicating that for her, good grades were a protective factor. Alex mentioned six other “really helpful” teachers who were available for questions and assistance after school or at lunch time. From the variety of subject areas, grade levels and teachers mentioned, a picture emerges of a 4 Besides my name, names of other teachers are pseudonyms. 115 dedicated student and a network of caring educators willing to provide her with extra time and teaching. Alex summarized her feeling about good teachers in her journal: Another big factor that helped me be successful were the teachers that went above and beyond like Mrs. McCarthy, Mrs. Shell and Miss Hugs who believed in me and helped me in their free time when they did not have to, whether it was staying after school to further explain a concept I had a hard time grasping, or proofreading a paper time and time again. With their help I did not feel so overwhelmed or uncomfortable at school. In terms of pedagogy, Alex found collaborative learning helpful because it “felt less intimidating.” She recalled several example of collaborative learning. In English and social studies classes “we worked on worksheets together.” In Spanish, students could ask each other for help with vocabulary and conjugations, and also collaborated on “little skits.” Her art teacher, Mrs. Belle encouraged students to seek opinions on artistic choices from peers. “You did it a lot in math,” according to Alex. “You collaborate and have time to work. You have half the class to work on your homework.” Alex also saw collaborative learning as “useful, since in a lot of jobs, you have to have good people skills and work in teams.” I feel like mostly when you’re first learning something, it helps get it down better if you’re working with somebody because either they can explain it more than how it was explained in class, or you can explain it. And teaching is a good way to learn. Alex was able to travel overseas twice with her Spanish classes. The real world learning and cultural enrichment she experienced on trips to Spain and Costa Rica provided highlights of her high school years. This was the first time Alex had travelled on a plane, and she had to overcome a number of travel anxieties. “I thought I’d get tackled by security. Maybe getting lost. That felt kind of scary too, in a foreign 116 country.” Alex enjoyed playing “soccer with little Costa Rican kids” and noticing differences in architecture as well as culture and language. “You get to practice Spanish, so you get more comfortable with it.” Figure 10. Alex in Costa Rica Figure 11. Alex's artwork Another example of rigor and high standards Alex gave was in her art classes. Mrs. Belle allowed for choice and creativity within expectations that resulted in Alex producing art work of standards beyond her expectations. Photographs of art 117 assignments she keeps on her cell phone provided material for an Art section in her scrapbook. “That one picture of the basketball. That one impressed me and it turned out better than I thought it would.” Being able to redo assignments was a protective factor for Alex as she persisted with rigorous classes and aimed for academic excellence. She took advantage of redoing incorrect homework questions in Miss Hugs’ math class to improve her understanding. “Redoing things I feel, puts less pressure on you to get things right the first time.” Alex appreciated that “Miss Hugs lets us correct the questions we missed, so I got my grade up to exactly 90%. And that was my goal and it was hard and it was scary.” Miss Hugs also gave a lesser amount of homework than previous math teachers, “but I feel like they were good questions and helped you prepare for the exam.” Overall, Alex saw the implementation of Indian Education for All (IEFA) by her teachers as a positive and protective factor. One page in the Teachers and School section captures a few examples. There were exceptions to IEFA being a protective factor, especially when topics and discussions were first introduced, since sometimes students or even teachers “might be naïve and ask like stereotypical things ... people just like staring at you right when they mention what you are going to move on to next or whatever, and your attention is drawn to a certain person.” Depending on how culturally responsive teachers and fellow students were, it was sometimes detrimental for Alex when “people will either assume you’re an expert ... sometimes they will pick you out to share on your experiences like you know everything.” Over the course of the three interviews, Alex shared a number of examples of 118 IEFA in her classes, saying that “being able to learn it is fun, depending on the willingness of your classmates.” In her 9th grade English class, Alex recalled the school’s American Indian Home to School Coordinator sharing about her Crow culture. Alex’s class read Sherman Alexie’s novel, The Absolutely True Diary of a Part-Time Indian, in 10th grade and then watched the movie Smoke Signals. Her teacher, Mrs. Kane, assigned, presentations where students explored their own cultural background, “where we came from, and I did that Northern Cheyenne PowerPoint.” Alex was able to re-work this presentation for her world history class and volunteered to share it with friends in Native American Club. It involved research and interviewing her grandmother, as well as photographing historical sites on the reservation. Alex found student choice in assignment topics to be positive, especially regarding IEFA, because she could explore an individually chosen cultural topic without resistance from classmates. Choosing a “specific thing within a topic helps you be more engaged.” Students in her 10th grade English class shared their cultural background presentations with the rest of the class, so Alex’s peers and teacher learned about her Northern Cheyenne culture, as she learned about others. In senior year, her English class studied the Boarding School Era and watched the film Older Than America, a suspenseful film about the horrors perpetrated in a fictionalized Indian boarding school, which Alex found very engaging. She was again allowed assignment choice for a major research paper, and chose to research economic development on reservations, which was “hard to research,” especially because of the lack of information available in books and on websites. Like English, Social Studies is an important subject for IEFA implementation. In 119 United States history class, Alex recalls a little time spent on Native content, and generally wanting more. “They talked about that angel in that one painting, Manifest Destiny,” referring to John Gast’s 1872 painting American Progress which is often featured in textbooks to explain the 19th-century belief that the westward expansion of the United States was justified. The following year, Alex returned to visit her history teacher whom she described as “approachable” and shared a song called “Unforgivable Youth” by Lupe Fiasco that represented her feelings on Manifest Destiny. A slave labor force provides wealth to the machine And helps the new regime establish and expand Using Manifest Destiny to siphon off the land From Native caretakers who can barely understand How can land be owned by another man? Alex also recalled in US History, “We talked about AIM [the American Indian Movement] for like, five minutes” as part of a study on the Civil Rights movement. This was the first time Alex had heard of AIM. She was very interested in the topic, and appreciated her Montana History teacher going into more detail the following year with information about AIM’s actions at Wounded Knee, South Dakota in 1973. Also in Montana History, Alex was fascinated by the opportunity to study some specific history regarding the Northern Cheyenne and other Montana tribes in the textbook Montana Stories of the Land by Krys Holmes. In her 12th grade government class, Alex recalled touching on the topic of tribal sovereignty. She once again shared “Unforgivable Youth” as her text for “Write Into the Day”, a teaching strategy used by teachers affiliated with the National Writing Project (NWP). Once protocols for respect and sharing are established, most NWP teachers 120 make space for student voices by inviting them to share a relevant text with the class, after which students write their response. Through Lupe Fiasco’s song, she hoped to “make people want to look more into things.” Popular music was, in Alex’s opinion, an effective way for other students to raise their awareness of the painful realities of federal Indian policy, described by Lupe Fiasco as “torture, terror, fear, till they nearly disappeared.” Alex had an uplifting experience of IEFA when business studies teachers coordinated an all day seminar of American Indian business leaders sharing their stories, challenges and successes. Although Alex was not taking business studies at the time, members of Native American Club were invited to attend one session of their choosing. Alex listened to Clara Caufield’s presentation about her small business on the Northern Cheyenne reservation, an independently owned newspaper called A Cheyenne Voice. Alex was inspired by Caufield’s achievements and goal, “to support or honor Northern Cheyennes.” The following year when business studies teachers again organized the American Indian Business Leaders seminar, Caufield returned and met Alex after her presentation to write an article about Alex and her family. This not only meant a great deal to Alex, but also to her mother, who was previously unaware of A Cheyenne Voice and said, “It just seemed really great to have some recognition from our reservation that what I was doing was actually being recognized as being a good parent when it comes to education and the sacrifices I had to give.” Following the article’s publication, Alex’s mother friended Clara Caufield on Facebook and connected with community via the newspaper. In this instance, the protective factor of IEFA extended beyond Alex to her 121 family. Figure 12. Alex and me in "A Cheyenne Voice" Alex had positive experiences of IEFA in Spanish class where Señora had students read traditional Mexican tales and then related them to Native American stories like the Llorona. “It’s this Weeping Woman,” explained Alex of the Llorona, “and she like hangs out at dry riverbeds. The parents tell their kids to not play around the river or 122 Llorona’s going to get them.” When asked if students knew of similar tales, Alex shared her Cheyenne knowledge “about Mestaa’e, which is like owls. At night they’re around you or whatever. You have to be quiet because if they hear you they can repeat you, and they can give you bad luck.” Alex spoke about the importance of IEFA within the context of broader multicultural curriculum content. She felt that her education had addressed African American history and was aware of popular films and music bringing awareness to this culture. She had learned about Cesar Chavez, the Chicano civil rights leader, before coming across AIM for the first time in 11th grade. While Alex saw the importance of learning about all cultural groups, she shared her view on the particular difficulties faced by American Indians. I think it’s kind of weird to be the minority of minorities in your own country. Cause we don’t really have anywhere to go to…And then especially people think we’re extinct, and that’s weird too, like fairytales ... people just being surprised that you’re Native American. Regarding any feelings of frustration at a lack of time spent on Native perspectives, Alex shared her awareness of a crowded curriculum and what can be an inevitable lack of expertise by mostly non-Native teachers. She compared her high school history classes to introductory courses she has taken in college, understanding that “they don’t have enough time to go into detail.” Alex could put herself in the shoes of non-Native or non-Cheyenne teachers struggling to implement IEFA in authentic and tribally specific ways, explaining that “It would be hard to know the culture if you just know bits and pieces, not how things really relate to each other too.” Occasional student resistance to IEFA, or resistance to school in general, was another challenge to successful 123 IEFA implementation cited by Alex. Lack of cultural knowledge, the crowded curriculum and student disinterest were reasons that Alex used to explain why “Native history gets glossed over in the busy curriculum and in general.” In spite of some disappointment regarding the lack of IEFA in some classes and awkward moments of being over-identified in some situations, by our third interview, Alex concluded that the efforts of Montana teachers with IEFA are “important” as a way for all students “to learn things” that will “stop more ignorance.” We did not focus in our interviews on experiences of prejudice, but a couple of times Alex mentioned peers talking about Natives who “have nothing”, and the Indian community in Sapphire and a neighboring bordertown being “nothing but a bunch of drunk Natives.” Alex contrasted the greater awareness of Native culture in Montana with her experiences as a college student in Colorado, which does not have a state educational mandate for the inclusion of American Indian curriculum content. In Colorado, Alex described feeling “more isolated there since their schools didn’t really talk about Natives.” Even though it has some problems with kids not wanting to learn it or feeling like it’s shoved down their throat or something, and they might not totally grasp things or be more open to ideas, but I feel like it helps them a little bit be a little less naïve. At least a little. Alex mentioned occasionally feeling isolated as a Native student, even though she and her mother greatly appreciated the educational opportunities available to her at Lincoln High. Therefore, developing connections with the school community was important to her, and she made particular efforts in this regard. Alex joined a number of clubs throughout high school and enjoyed clubs that allowed members to laugh, play games and eat pizza, “but it felt kind of lonely-ish” when it seemed to Alex that she was 124 “the only minority.” Native culture was celebrated in the hallways and school wide events at Lincoln High when Alex attended, including Indian taco sales, guest speakers and pinup board displays. Native dancers and drum groups were invited to the spring Celebrate Senior pep assembly. I saw it with Celebrate Senior and Walter’s family dancing and Tuff [Native athlete, Tuff Harris] coming to speak at a Lunch and Learn and in your room and in Anna’s room, and with that billboard thing we did, and with our taco sales. Tipis erected by Sapphire Schools Indian Education department at Senior High and many other school buildings were a “prominent” display of Native culture, according to Alex. She valued all of these efforts to honor Native culture in the school community. Seeing non-Natives get excited too ... I feel like mostly people had the chance to see it if they wanted to. I feel it was good that way that people didn’t feel like it was being shoved down their throat or anything. They mostly got the opportunity to see things, to stop and read posters or whatever. Maybe they’d never have the opportunity to go to a powwow, and they still got to see a little bit of dancing ... It makes you feel less isolated, and that you’re not the only one. Figure 13. Native dancers at Heritage Day assembly 125 Alex’s mother occasionally came into the school and always felt welcome. She attended parent teacher conferences. She attended Indian Education family nights where families were invited to partake in a shared meal, meet staff and other families and receive information about school programs in a friendly and culturally responsive atmosphere. She explained that such gatherings “helped me to be at ease and actually meet people in this area, that all had the same goal as us, to graduate.” Alex’s mom enjoyed attending a National Honor Society event to which she was invited, recalling “that made me proud of her.” In my role as an Indian Education department staff member, I was able to be a point of contact for Alex’s mother when needs or concerns arose. Having a liaison who works for the Indian Education department was a protective factor for Alex’s mom, as her mom explained. You’ve always encouraged her throughout her high school years to keep succeeding. I feel like you were a big part of keeping her going too, from the school perspective. And I appreciate all the things you have done for her and I. Another school family partnership for Alex and her mom beyond Lincoln High was the Indigenous Scholars of Promise (ISP) program, a selective college preparatory program for American Indian students in Montana provided by HOPA Mountain, a non- profit organization. In the Teachers and School section scrapbook, Alex included one page of photographs that she took on college visits with ISP. This program was a protective factor in Alex’s final two years of high school as she worked hard to finish with good grades and plan for college. “They helped pay for the applications, so that was a stress reliever.” Alex’s mother also attended ISP, learning alongside Alex and said, 126 “People shared their experiences with them and I really believe that that was helpful, meeting them once a month.” Native American Club Alex was a member of Native American Club throughout high school, and was elected club president during 10th and 11th grade. This club provided Alex with the most significant social protective factor, especially in her first year of high school. “It makes you feel more comfortable. And I think, like, during the beginning it’s intimidating, your freshman year to join clubs.” The sense of community provided by Native American Club, joking and making friends with older Native students, helped her feel more involved with the broader school community. With other club members, Alex helped to plan weekly activities. The five page section in her scrapbook dedicated to Native American club shows members beading, playing traditional American Indian hand games, dressed in Native regalia at assemblies and helping to organize the school district powwow. Alex also enjoyed listening to invited guest speakers at club, fund raising and going on the spring trips, such as the one to Denver March powwow in Denver, Colorado during her senior year. Native American Club was a protective factor for Alex’s mother as well, who explained that there were few opportunities to connect with other urban Natives in Sapphire. Participation in the annual Sapphire Public Schools “Honoring Our Youth” Powwow provided opportunities for her mother to connect with community. Her mom explained, “I noticed Alex used the Indian Club in high school and became a big part of it. And that helped. 127 Figure 14. Mom, Grandma and Alex at Sapphire schools powwow Figure 15. Lincoln High Native American Club (Alex left) Homework Help Alex emphasized that Lincoln High School’s after school homework program, Homework Help, was a significant protective factor and dedicated a page in her scrapbook to it. Alex attended often, Monday through Thursday after school, and accessed the support of teachers and peers. “I felt like it was not as intimidating at Homework Help, because you had other people to rely on to help you instead of having to figure it out yourself.” She appreciated the immediate assistance on how to “understand a question on your homework that’s due tomorrow.” With computer access, 128 teacher support, snacks and peer tutoring, Alex described Homework Help as “a comfortable setting so you’re not that worried or feeling uneasy or anything, so it’s easier to learn.” The regulars at Homework Help became something of a community; Alex appreciated it when “some friends went to Homework Help too.” Homework Help was held in the same room as Native American Club, but it was a place where all students were welcome. Alex often ate lunch there and sometimes used that time to complete class work because she found that “it’s hard to focus on something if you start doing it and can’t finish it until you go home.” Figure 16. Alex and friends finishing homework at lunchtime Role Models Alex created a three-page section for role models in her scrapbook with photographs of celebrities, athletes and other prominent persons who inspire her. The role models presented are American Indian and African American: Tuff Harris (Northern Cheyenne/Crow football player), Sherman Alexie (Coeur d’Alene writer), Tahnee 129 Robinson (Northern Cheyenne/Pawnee/Sioux/Eastern Shoshone basketball player), Adam Beach (Anishinaabe actor), Desi Small-Rodriguez (Northern Cheyenne scholar), Shoni and Jude Shimmel (Umatilla basketball players), Jakobi Ellsberry (Colorado River baseball player), Tupac Shakur (African American rapper), Kobe Bryant (African American basketball player) and Lupe Fiasco (African American rapper). I feel like, sort of less of a minority that there are people like Adam Beach and Jakobi Elsberry, Tuff Harris, Tahnee Robinson, Shoni Shimmel, Jude. Like I feel like just that there’s more people to look up to, representing Native Americans. Because I feel like before that, the closest thing we had to relate to was, like, Tupac, and that they’re mostly focused on bringing up African Americans than minorities. Alex mentioned two more role models during the interviews, Cinnamon Spear and Melissa Spang. Both are Northern Cheyenne women successful in their respective professions. The Northern Cheyenne women in Alex’s list of role models inspire Alex because “they’re the same tribe as you, and they’re both female.” ISP brought students like Alex together with a number of these role models. “It helps you meet other Natives who’ve been to college and there’s panels where you can ask questions.” Although Alex made friends with the non-Native valedictorians in her advanced placement high school classes, she felt less intimidated around them after meeting Native role models at ISP retreats. Films, music, social networking and popular culture accessible on the Internet connected Alex with some of her role models and other protective factors. Desi Small- Rodriguez and Cinnamon Spear are friends with Alex on Facebook. Desi offered helpful suggestions when Alex was struggling with choosing which college to attend. Family members and friends on the reservations and in Colorado could celebrate 130 accomplishments with Alex via Facebook. For example, many relatives posted and commented on the article about Alex that was published in A Cheyenne Voice, saying how proud they were of Alex. Alex shared the Lupe Fiasco’s song, “Unforgivable Youth,” with her social studies teachers and classes. This is an example of popular music acting as a protective factor for Alex because the song lyrics explore atrocities committed against American Indians and African Americans. According to Alex, these issues are “real things and things that aren’t being talked about and are overlooked.” On the Internet, Alex was not only able to access songs that affirmed multicultural perspectives of history, but she also learned new information on music websites. On the Rap Genius website, Alex was interested to learn more about the historical events referred to in “Unforgivable Youth” by clicking on links. Lakota rapper, Nataanii Means was another musician with messages about culture and history that Alex shared with me on Youtube; she also shared his song “The Radical” with her 12th grade English class. Although Alex found Native American musicians, fashions and stories to be protective factors, she was also inspired by parallel stories from other minorities who overcome isolation and struggle to achieve success and happiness. In explaining the sense of cultural isolation she experiences as an urban Indian, with a sense of identity and belonging yet not fully feeling at home in her Northern Cheyenne reservation community or her Sapphire urban community, Alex showed me a comedy clip on Youtube called “Being a Mexican American is Exhausting” featuring Selena Gomez. The Mexican- American characters talk about the struggle to be accepted in either culture, and the line, 131 “Anglo food is too bland; yet when we go to Mexico we get the runs,” especially amused Alex. Through comedy and being able to relate to the experiences of other Natives and minorities, Alex felt sustained and encouraged. Crossing Borders and Expanding Horizons High school was hard work for Alex because of the high standards she put on herself and cultural differences she experienced as a Northern Cheyenne girl in a large urban high school where American Indian students are a minority. Alex expressed awareness that “the dominant culture is more on time,” such as adhering strictly to school bells and passing periods. Alex also explained that Native students attending school on the reservation have the comfort of “just being around relatives… so you feel more understood.” She accepted the reality of having “to transition back and forth when I go places” and the resulting anxiety. Alex used the metaphor of blanching vegetables to describe the culture shock experienced by Native students moving between their reservations communities and urban high schools, “like when you steam vegetables and then put them in ice.” In her metaphor, Native students coming from the reservation are likened to warm, steamed vegetables suddenly plunged into the ice bath of a fast-paced, largely Eurocentric curriculum, surrounded by almost 2,000 students in their urban school. The presence of Native culture within curriculum content, displays in classrooms and hallways, Native American Club activities, and assembly performances were protective factors against this culture shock, in Alex’s opinion. Alex spoke of joining different clubs, meeting new people, college visits and being a “trailblazer” with ISP because she was the first urban Native student in the 132 program. Her two overseas trips with Spanish class were especially intimidating, exciting and ultimately rewarding opportunities to cross borders and expand her horizons. “The more you travel, the easier it gets, but it’s still going to be exciting even though you’re used to traveling. It makes you feel famous. You don’t think you’d get an opportunity like that.” Alex is building on the foundation of her mother’s achievements who joined the US Marine Corps the day after graduation in order to better her life, and then moved to Sapphire before Alex started school. Her mom explained, “I wanted to be able to function in the city and survive.” Her mother talked about greatly enjoying the conversations they have as Alex continues to learn and travel. Alex hopes to travel more in her future and says that each experience has given her “more confidence” about her place in the world. In the Role Model section of her scrapbook, Alex included a quote from Coeur d’Alene author, Sherman Alexie, and placed it on a card with a background image of looking up at the sky from inside a box. Figure 17. Motivational quote from Alex's scrapbook This quote reminded Alex of her many border crossings. Even though each one is 133 fraught with anxiety, each successful border crossing is a protective factor in the onward journey. “It makes me think of being more courageous and trying more new things. Like going to school at Colorado State where I don’t know anybody.” Drive When explaining protective factors that led to Alex’s graduation, it is important to acknowledge her incredible determination to maintain excellent attendance and grades while taking rigorous coursework including advanced math classes and four years of Spanish. Her choices were a departure from those of family members in her generation. She explained, “I have seven cousins who are my age or older and I was the first to go to college, so I feel like maybe they seem like they don’t have a drive or something.” In each interview session, I asked Alex follow up questions about her choice to maintain excellent attendance and the best possible grades. As a teacher and a teacher-leader working with achievement programs for American Indian youth, I know that many colleagues want to replicate whatever it was that resulted in Alex’s determination. I wondered about life events or an inspirational individual who might have connected with Alex at the end of her middle school years. However, the only information that Alex could share with me about her self-discipline and determination came from her journal after our first session. Throughout high school, I feel like the main thing that made me want to be successful was the pressure I put on myself. Since the summer before 8th grade, I wanted to see what I was capable of accomplishing once I applied all of my effort and focus towards school. One result of this was missing only five school days throughout my four years of high school. It took discipline. I also knew I would lose some motivation if I did not make attendance my priority. I am the person that put the most pressure 134 on myself. Along with that came stress…I knew all of the stress, tears and long hours of doing homework would pay off in the end. Also I could be proud of myself because I left the best I could on the table. Kayla’s Protective Factors Kayla is an enrolled member of the Crow tribe. I have known her since summer 2011, and she graduated from Lincoln High in 2015. Kayla and her mother faced various challenges, including homelessness, during Kayla’s high school years. As a result, Kayla transferred to a bordertown high school and lived with her dad during part of her 11th grade year, and then the reservation high school in her home community when she moved back to her mother at the end of that year. Kayla’s mom asked my husband and me if Kayla could live with us at the start of her senior year because Kayla desperately wanted to graduate from Lincoln High. Kayla’s family honored my husband and me at her graduation party with a blanket and expressions of gratitude. Transferring between three high schools and the reasons behind those transfers created additional challenges for Kayla throughout high school, and the need for additional protective factors. She is quite clearly a miracle survivor, graduating in four years from an urban high school, in spite of homelessness and significant absences. In the 18 months following graduation, Kayla struggled to find her footing, temporarily holding three jobs and dealing with other personal issues. For the interviews and scrapbooking aspects of data collection, we met at my house over take out or simple meals and pots of coffee. A cousin who is also one of Kayla’s closest friends came along for the first interview and was a helpful thinking partner. I gained informed consent from both young women. The co-research process for this study, sharing the interviews and 135 especially creating the scrapbook, gave Kayla joy and hope that she had been seeking. As a result, Kayla once again asked my husband and I if she could live with us. We agreed to this. During and shortly after the data collection process, Kayla’s mother and I worked together in supporting Kayla as she embarked on renewed goals including a good job. The following stories of Kayla and her protective factors throughout high school were gathered from six hours of interview and twenty hours of scrapbooking. Her finished scrapbook contains: ● 103 images ● 2 screenshots of Facebook posts ● 2 screenshots of text-messaged jokes ● 2 full pages and 20 student pictures from her high school yearbook ● 1 newspaper article ● 1 poem I used the scrapbook categories created by Kayla as themes for initial analysis. The original order of sections in Kayla’s scrapbook was: ● High School 101 ● Lincoln High ● Native American Club ● Lincoln High Band ● Bordertown High (the school she attended most of 11th grade) ● Youth Group ● Family 136 ● Graduation . The section on Bordertown High School was deemed by Kayla and I as less critical to her protective factors. It too is omitted from this chapter, but is reported in the more detailed version of Kayla’s protective factors. See Appendix E. Concurrent open coding resulted in one further section titled Crossing Borders and Expanding Horizons. Kayla was enthusiastic about this additional protective factor drawn from data across multiple sections. I synthesized descriptions of Kayla’s scrapbook and selected images with interview data as I wrote the narrative summary of her protective factors. I shared a draft version of this narrative with Kayla, to which she made corrections and added suggestions. I then incorporated Kayla’s suggestions to create the narrative summary of findings below. High School 101 Kayla attended High School 101, the two-week summer class for Native students transitioning from middle school to high school. She maintained friendships with many of the 29 students who attended High School 101 with her. As we were reminiscing about some of these friends, Kayla described two of the boys, one of whom is related to her, as “humble and not quiet but they do stick to themselves.” In addition to the communication skills, college tours and career planning covered in High School 101, guest speakers and activities were included to affirm students’ Native identity. It was this aspect that Kayla remembered most. She enjoyed “seeing everybody else that’s Native” and activities such as putting up the tipi. At the concluding ceremony for High School 101, Kayla was proud to dance in her traditional elk tooth dress. 137 Another part of the concluding ceremony stuck with Kayla. Students pledged to graduate as part of Graduation Matters, a program supported by the Montana Office of Public Instruction. Kayla described the pledge as a genuine commitment and something “to look forward to it, keep your word” even though she admitted feeling hesitant because she had already struggled with wellness and addiction. Kayla explained, “honestly thought I was not going to, too. I just got out of treatment then.” Kayla kept t- shirts from the high schools she attended and the activities she loved. She was proud to pose in her High School 101 shirt over five years later, at the time of this research. Figure 18. Kayla at High School 101 and five years later Lincoln High For Kayla, Lincoln High was a welcoming and positive learning environment. Being Native American, Kayla felt at home at Lincoln because “it was more diverse.” Even though she was occasionally aware of being a minority, she explained, “I was the only Native in a few classes but I didn’t feel different. Well, at first I did, but I would never let it get to me.” In this section of her scrapbook, she includes a photograph of a 138 banner that hangs in the school’s front hallway. The banner displays poetry written by students, celebrating diversity in the school community, including the lines, “I am from Crow beadwork, patterns and colors of the tribe” and “I am from my grandma’s homemade tortillas.” Kayla felt protected by the routines of school life and the safe space offered by Lincoln High. “I had a routine every day when I was at school,” said Kayla, even down to planning her route from class to class, up and down three floors and via her locker. She explained, “when I’m myself, I’m organized.” There were some periods when Kayla and her mother had to find new housing or Kayla was enduring other ordeals in her personal life. Of those times, she said “honestly, like, for a while there I went to school just to get out of the house, to be in a good environment.” Kayla included a picture in her scrapbook that she had on her phone. It makes a joke about “Indian Time” and relates to her awareness of the challenge she and other Native students faced when transitioning between the fluidity of time in their home communities and the strict sense of time and schedules in urban high schools. The extreme challenges outside school meant that Kayla was particularly appreciative of caring adults. One such person at Lincoln High was Kayla’s Assistant Principal, Mrs. Floyd, whom she described as “very loving.” Mrs. Floyd was clear and firm with expectations about behavior and effort, which Kayla wanted as part of the routine and safe space of school. At the same time, Mrs. Floyd developed a caring and trusting relationship so that Kayla could confide in her about personal hardships. Kayla remembered “plenty of times walking into her office, and it was, I was in trouble or I was 139 crying or just needed somebody to talk to.” The Assistant Principal knew when Kayla was dealing with financial hardships that made attending school more difficult, and was therefore able to address these needs with funds and programs for all students in need at Lincoln High. She’d help me with gas cards. I was like, ‘Oh my gosh. You guys do this kind of stuff? I can’t believe it. When my mom was going through a lot. When she wasn’t doing too well, I guess Mrs. Floyd was there. I was another caring adult who made a significant difference to Kayla. After meeting her during High School 101, I became her mentor in 10th grade as part of the mentor program for American Indian students at Lincoln High. Like other mentors, I tried to get to know Kayla on a personal level, asking about her interests and spending some time with her at lunch and during the Homework Help sessions after school. One picture in the Lincoln High section shows her working beside me at Homework Help. She explained that all of this was helpful, “even down to having coffee.” Kayla remembered me attending the shared lunch that is held once a semester for mentees and their mentor teachers. In some ways, the regular mentor activity of checking grades with students was unpleasant for Kayla because, for her, that “was being reminded of my stuff.” Still, she said, “it helped a lot because I still went there for some reason.” Kayla appreciated “having somebody there to talk to, or being close to.” My role as a caring adult in Kayla’s life developed in an unexpected ways when she and her mother asked if Kayla could come and live at my home to start her senior year. Although she missed her family, the stability and care that my husband and I provided was a protective factor. Kayla explained, “that was the longest I held good 140 grades” because she kept good attendance. On the inside cover of Kayla’s scrapbook, she placed a poem that she found titled “Heroes”. This poem represents her experience of heroes as people who are not necessarily “easy to recognize by their fancy uniforms and shiny medals.” In sharing about the important role that caring adults have played in her life, Kayla wanted to read the entire poem to start of our third interview. Here is the last stanza: Now I understand they’re just ordinary people with extraordinary hearts. Hearts that reach out to a stranger in need without expecting to be noticed and without ever realizing the life-changing difference they have made. Making the connection from the poem to my relationship with her, Kayla said “You’re one of the biggest heroes ... you’re a gentle hand, a listening ear, a healing touch ... Hearts that reach out to a stranger. Without expecting to be noticed. Without ever realizing the life changing difference they have made. That’s you.” The relationship between Kayla and me became one that extends far beyond the professional role of an educator, but it began at Lincoln High in programs that are available to many students. Kayla related the words of the poem about heroes to other teachers at Lincoln, including her band teacher and two social studies teachers. She was aware that her 10th grade English and Math teachers were “always visiting about me,” which she said was “ok, cause I was close to both of them.” The importance of caring adults at Lincoln comes into clearer perspective when one considers that at the reservation school Kayla attended until 5th grade and to which she returned for the end of 11th grade, there was “a lot of family” and she “might have an aunt or uncle or grandma working in the school. And I remember looking forward to that. You have somebody to run to.” 141 Kayla remembers individuals stepping out of the line of teachers through which students walked on graduation day. She remembered that Mr. Monty “came out and grabbed me and gave me a hug. I was like, man, that’s what teachers do!” She also recalled how Mrs. Floyd “looked back at me and smiled at me real big when she was going to hand me my diploma.” These postcard moments in Kayla’s mind were culminating expressions of the care and encouragement she experienced from most of her teachers, especially a few caring adults who reminded her of the poem “Heroes” from the inside cover of her scrapbook. Credit recovery programs available to Lincoln High students made it possible for Kayla to earn credit in three classes required for graduation that she initially failed: algebra, 9th grade English and US History. She took summer school after her 9th grade and was able to recover her algebra and English credits. Kayla found the summer school self-paced classes offered through computer programs to be relatively easy and she recalled, “I finished really quick.” She also appreciated being scheduled for 10:00 AM sessions, so she could “sleep in a little bit” and still have her “afternoon and then the rest of my day.” During 12th grade, her schedule included another credit recovery class within the school day, which allowed her to recover US History. Kayla talked on several occasions during the interviews about her love of learning at Lincoln High, especially when it came to active learning situations and assignments that she found intellectually challenging. She said, for example, “Man, I loved math. I still like math…my favorite would be geometry. It makes a lot more sense to me.” She enjoyed taking time to write major research papers for English and government classes. Kayla recalled the fun of 142 mock Congress with “the whole entire class kind of role playing, like how we were all politicians.” For Kayla, mock Congress was “the best final I ever had” and she still remembers “a lot from that class.” Kayla took band all through high school. It was her favorite class, so she created a separate section for that in her scrapbook. Kayla remembered a significant and helpful example of Indian Education for All at Lincoln High when she studied Sherman Alexie’s The Absolutely True Diary of a Part- Time Indian in Mrs. Kane’s 10th grade English class. Kayla appreciated how this novel addressed stereotypes that are “still there” in very realistic ways. The main character, Junior, faces criticism from members of his tribe when he transfers to the White school off the reservation in search of hope and better educational opportunities. Kayla related to this because she said one of her childhood friends “seemed really mad when I left” and asked Kayla, “What’s wrong with you?” That friend stopped talking to Kayla. In terms of the struggles with addiction faced by characters in the novel, the high number of road accidents and many funerals, Kayla “related a lot” and felt that Alexie “didn’t sugar coat anything.” In the twelve weeks that Kayla lived with me, her family was affected by several funerals, two of which Kayla attended. Grief is shared in Kayla’s Crow community. She explained, “On the rez, any time somebody passes away, people in the tribe will help out for what they can.” Overall, Kayla felt affirmed by Alexie’s novel and that it “helped a lot for people to understand…probably teachers too.” Kayla did not always experience IEFA as something positive. She recalled at least one class at Lincoln where IEFA felt forced and she felt over-identified. It “was required for everybody” and Kayla “didn’t like getting questioned” because as she 143 explained, “I don’t know everything and there’s different types of Natives.” Implementation of IEFA in a way that was comfortable and interesting for Kayla often depended on “who’s talking.” On the other hand, Kayla expressed that the inclusion of Native culture in the curriculum and school celebrations “just seemed right. It felt good being recognized. Everybody else was recognized.” This comment was made in reference to Hispanic students being able to take Spanish classes in Sapphire. Kayla thought it was “kind of cool when we put up the tipi” during middle school and them “seeing more and more come up at high school.” Kayla’s family members also noticed and enjoyed seeing the tipis around town and knew could tell which tribe had put them up. Her Crow relatives once commented, “Whoever did that is Blackfeet.” Figure 19. Kayla in Lincoln High shirt and at Homework Help . 144 Figure 20. Kayla and friend in detention 9th grade and visual joke about Indian time Native American Club Kayla’s scrapbook contains three pages about Lincoln High’s Native American Club with group photos and activities. Native Club activities had a positive effect on Kayla and her friends when it provided a sense of community and fun. One friend who struggled at school “would get so excited” about baking for a Native American Club bake sale fundraiser. In the Native American Club section, Kayla includes three pictures of herself in traditional regalia. In one of these pictures, she was participating in the Sapphire school district “Honoring Our Youth Powwow” which Native American Clubs from the high schools helped to organize. Another photo shows Kayla and friends in regalia ready to represent Lincoln High’s Native American Club in a pep assembly. Kayla is also pictured dancing in her traditional regalia at the university powwow when she was the 10th grade representative for Native American Club. These activities were very important to Kayla and her sense of self as a Crow student living off the reservation and attending an urban high school. Having Native American Club and stuff and being reminded, because I 145 forgot a lot of things about my own culture and stuff, and so when I first started going to Native American Club, I started thinking, I haven’t done this in a long time or oh, I forgot about this. It helped me appreciate more who I am too. A lot. When Kayla dressed in regalia and paraded with other club members for a Lincoln High pep assembly, teachers and students admired and praised her. Representing culture in this was informative and eye opening for others in the school, as “some teachers were surprised.” The protective factor offered by Native American Club and cultural celebrations embraced by the school community is particularly important considering that in the school Kayla attended on the reservation, Native culture was an everyday source of joy and connectedness. Kayla described a regular substitute teacher in the reservation high school she attended at the end of 11th grade as “my grandma but everybody around [town] calls her Carol Kaale,” translated as Grandma Carol. Carol Kaale speaks Crow “and she gets after all the kids in Crow.” She also encouraged the students and often treated them to traditional food such as pemmican, dried meat and frybread that she made. Figure 21. Kayla (left) and Native Club members parading at assembly 146 Band Kayla’s favorite subject throughout school was music, and her band classes at Lincoln provided challenge, community and opportunities that made school more enjoyable and rewarding for her. At the end of 11th grade, she transferred to the reservation school in her home community, where she had attended elementary school until fifth grade. Kayla was disappointed that “a couple years after I left, they stopped funding” for music programs there. In band, Kayla played clarinet and bass clarinet. She became close friends with one particular girl from middle school and maintained that friendship throughout high school “because we were the only two clarinet players” and “she’d teach me, get me to learn fast.” When Kayla was not able to practice at home, this friend would stay after school to practice with her. Pep band was another opportunity for camaraderie. Although students earned extra credit for participating in pep band, Kayla went because “it was fun, being with the community and the school and band mates.” She also said that attending pep band probably kept her out of trouble. Kayla stated as a matter of fact, “they don’t have a lot of our history in the history books,” but was excited to share with me a powerful learning example of learning Native history when she learned about the Trail of Tears, referring to the forced removal of the Cherokee to Oklahoma in 1838-1839. Her band teacher chose a piece of music titled “Trail of Tears” composed by James Barnes Chance for a concert performance. In preparation, the students studied the history, and Kayla was one of the few students who had not previously heard of this tragic story “until the middle of high school.” She 147 explained, “I was reading it and I was like, the Trail of Tears? They’re Native American?” Kayla asked if she could be one of two students to read the historical context before the band played this piece, and her band teacher agreed. Kayla loves all types of music from classical to heavy metal and expects that her passion for music will be lifelong; she explained that even if she does not play an instrument for ten years, “it will always be there.” Music appeals to Kayla because it is “always challenging,” such as changes in tempo and volume, especially when playing in concerts. Being in band led to a wonderful opportunity during 10th grade. Kayla and her band mates traveled to Los Angeles on a field trip to Universal Studios and Disneyland, where they participated in workshops and recorded a film score. Students also enjoyed recreational time at Santa Monica Pier. Eligibility to attend the field trip included attendance and passing grades, which motivated Kayla in these areas. She explained, “I was failing in a class, then I did some overtime before we left.” Lincoln High was awarded a plaque from Disneyland, and that same 10th grade year, the Lincoln High Music Department was the recipient of a prestigious Grammy Signature School Award. These opportunities in band made Kayla want to come to school and try harder. They also created memories she treasured. She was proud that the plaque and Grammy were displayed in the school for “more people and the upcoming” students to see. 148 Figure 22. Kayla with the Grammy she helped to win Youth Group Kayla’s Christianity is a strong protective factor in her life. Her Pentecostal church in Sapphire has an active youth group that Kayla attended throughout high school. They offered “tons of activities” on Wednesday evenings as well as “conferences and Bible camp and a lot of things were school related,” explained Kayla. The Youth Group section of Kayla’s scrapbook includes pictures of many smiling young faces, a pie fight, youth performing skits, and the bus going to Bible camp. Kayla’s youth pastor “would come and have lunch with us on Wednesdays.” During 10th grade, Kayla also participated in a “6 o’clock in the morning praying around the flagpole” at school with people from her church, “praying for the students, community, anything.” Youth group 149 and church provided Kayla with friends who were positive influences, including at school. Her prayer life has always been a major protective factor, as she explained, “even when you’re not going through hard times, prayer is the answer. You pray about being thankful.” Figure 23. Bible camp and pie fight at youth group (Kayla right) Kayla spoke with particular enthusiasm about the overlap she sometimes experienced between her Christian faith and Crow culture, when “things do match in the Bible from what we used to do.” Kayla’s Indian name, Speaks to the Holy One, was given to her by an elder from her Crow community. An accurate Crow translation can only be given by certain tribal members, and Kayla did not have access to that information at the time of writing. She did, however, understand that her name refers to praying in the sacred Bighorn Mountains. One example of Christian faith and traditional spirituality related to the importance of her long hair, which is referred to in the Bible; 150 “But if a woman have long hair, it is a glory to her: for her hair is given her for a covering” (Corinthians 1:15, King James Version). As part of her Crow cultural practice, when her Grandpa John Myron died during 12th grade, Kayla showed her respect but cutting her hair and giving it to her father. Kayla’s two grandfathers had grown up together as friends, and it was her other Grandpa Ardy who braided Kayla’s hair and then cut off the braid. She explained how for Grandpa Ardy, “that was his best friend and he was crying when he cut my hair.” As a Crow and a Christian, Kayla expressed her grief and love through the gift of her braid. Another powerful example of overlap between Christian faith and Native spirituality came in the preparation for Graduation. Kayla’s Grandpa Ardy chose a particular eagle feather from a full eagle tail that her family was gifted. Grandpa Ardy selected one feather to bead and wear on her graduation cap, and another to become a prayer fan. The color of the beads, he told me were his good medicine, even though he’s not traditional any more really, but it’s still kind of there… And so on my graduation cap, they found the exact same beads and he said it was ok. This one [the prayer fan] has the medicine, but they got the beads to match it for the cap and used scripture on my cap with these same color blue beads. Nobody else can touch it. 151 Figure 24. Kayla, Dad and beaded graduation cap Other relatives from Kayla’s home town on the reservation beaded her graduation cap and one woman gifted her with the following Bible verse: “Brethren, be followers together of me, and mark them which walk so as ye have us for an example” (Phillippians 3:17, King James Version). The numerical reference of this verse was also beaded on the cap in the blue color of her Grandpa Ardy’s good medicine. Kayla understands the Bible verse in many ways. As one interpretation, she felt that the aunt who gave her the verse “was saying I’m a pretty good example.” Family The Family section of Kayla’s scrapbook contains ten pages, four generations and a mixture of close and distant biological relatives and many friends whom Kayla claims as brothers, sisters, aunts and more. She devoted the first page of this section to elders; “elders” was the first word Kayla uttered when I asked about her protective factors, and she spoke at length about them. One of her grandpas pictured in the scrapbook was a 152 World War II veteran who earned the Presidential Medal of Freedom in 2009. He was also a tribal historian and scholar, so Kayla called referred to him as “Dr. Grandpa.” His long list of achievements influenced the Sapphire school board to name a middle school in his honor, in spite of some initially hostile reactions from community members. Kayla explained, “That was cool to be there for the groundbreaking” of the new school with her “amazing” grandpa doing the honors. Figure 25. Kayla's grandpa breaking ground at the school named in his honor When Kayla spoke of heroes, prompted by the poem she chose for the inside cover of her scrapbook, she referred to other family members including “my mom, my Grandpa [Ardy], Grandma Shirley” and especially her Grandpa John Myron who was very involved in her youth. Both Kayla and I spoke about her Grandpa as though he were still living, even though he died during her 12th grade year, because his protective influence felt current for Kayla. “He’s more like my dad,” she explained, “because I didn’t know my dad as long as I knew my grandpa.” He lived right next to her dad, so 153 during Kayla’s difficult 11th grade year, “when me and my dad would fight, I would be at my grandpa’s house.” Grandpa would say, “Just spend the night here” and let her go “brush the horses.” As well as a father figure, Grandpa John Myron was an educational role model for Kayla, since he was “really about education all the time.” Kayla included a page from her grandpa’s high school yearbook and noted that he was in operetta. Figure 26. Kayla's Grandpa John Myron in yearbook Kayla described Grandpa John Myron as “very wise and humble and humorous.” He held steadfastly to education, family, faith and culture. His wife helped Kayla work on an elk tooth dress and other items of regalia for her powwow dancing. On sewing days, they would share jokes. Grandpa John Myron warned Kayla, “Don’t you marry into these other tribes, or bashttiila (White people)… It’s no good!” As he made this comment, his wife who is from another tribe, scolded him, and grandpa replied, “I forgot about you!” Although their relationship has not always been easy, Kayla spoke about her dad 154 as an elder and a protective factor. Her dad’s academic and athletic achievements inspired her. She explained, “My dad has a whole bunch of plaques from high school.” He was president of the student council, played basketball and was in choir. Kayla liked to spend time looking at his trophies and awards. Even when Kayla was struggling with school during 11th grade while she was living with her dad, and struggling with family relationships, his words of encouragement rang in her ears. Kayla remembers him saying, “Because of who we are and your skin and stuff, we have to step up and make sure everything is in black on the paper.” Kayla did not feel judged by him for struggling emotionally and struggling with addiction. At one point after “hopping all over town,” he told her, “You can always come home,” which Kayla did. The words and manner of his encouragement resonated with her, as she heard him reiterate, “Man, Kayla, just get your diploma at least.” Kayla’s parents were not married, but she spoke about both of them with love and gratitude. When Kayla and her mom were going through a difficult time, Kayla’s dad offered helpful advice by telling her, “Whatever happens, don’t get mad at her or anything. Just tell her that you love her.” Kayla made a decision to turn her life around towards sobriety and other healthy choices when her niece was born during 11th grade. Kayla told me the incredible story of how “I stopped drinking because I seen her just like me.” Her niece’s father is not involved. “Just like when I was born,” explained Kayla, “it was only my aunties that were there.” Aunts share the role of mother in Kayla’s Crow culture. Kayla’s sister told Kayla on the phone, “I really need you here.” Her sister was in great pain, and “waited that much longer in labor for me.” Kayla helped deliver her niece and it was “the first 155 baby I seen born. And I got to name her.” Holding her newborn niece and waiting for her to draw her first breath “seemed like the longest three or five seconds” to Kayla. Even before her niece was born, Kayla was happy to help her nephew, who is also her son in the Crow way. Her sense of responsibility increased significantly at the birth of her niece. Figure 27. Kayla and her baby niece Kayla labeled photos “baby niece” and “baby nephew and my son” in her scrapbook. Kayla marveled at the photo of her newborn niece that she included in her scrapbook, saying “I love how she can like barely open her eyes and see and stuff, and she’s all looking at me in that picture.” Kayla’s sense of responsibility towards her baby niece inspired her to stop drinking and to move back to Sapphire, away from unhealthy influences she had accrued in the bordertown. She explained, “I didn’t want to stay around over there anymore because there were so many places I would fall at.” She wanted to live up to her role as aunty-mom and role model. “It kind of goes with that 156 scripture, huh?” she mused with me, referring to the Bible verse that would eventually be beaded on her graduation cap; “Brethren, be followers together of me, and mark them which walk so as ye have us for an example.” At the top of one scrapbook page, Kayla added a sticker that reads “one big crazy family.” She shared in the interviews that on her mom’s and her dad’s side, she is from two of the largest families in the Crow nation. In fact, she joked with her Grandpa John Myron that it would be difficult to marry a Crow man, given how many prospective husbands are closely related to her. The Crow tribe is like a vast, extended family for Kayla. Their population is approximately 16,000 and approximately half live off the reservation. Kayla has pictures in her scrapbook of herself and her cousin in traditional regalia at powwows with two elected official from the Crow nation’s executive branch, both of whom are relatives. During the interviews, she recalled that at the start of her 12th grade when she was working part time at an oil change business downtown, the Crow Chairman came through. He recognized Kayla as Crow and when Kayla told him who her parents were, “he asked how my mom was.” He also asked where she was going to school and gave her words of encouragement. “Oh!” Kayla exclaimed as she remembered, “He gave me dry meat!” I remember smiling when I saw Kayla post about this on Facebook, the chairman of the tribe giving a young person homemade traditional food he had in his truck, along with a pep talk about education. Kayla felt strongly that family can “hurt you the worst” because they are so close to you, but they are also inevitably her strongest allies and protective factors. In addition to the close and extended family members who stepped up as protective factors when she 157 “was always hopping houses” during 11th grade, there are many friends who became family to her. Kayla’s family has adopted some non-Crows in formal ceremonies, and Kayla and others have adopted many people informally. My picture appears in the family section, as part of Kayla’s “big crazy family”; she also added a picture I took of her with my mother to her page for elders. Kayla talked about one cousin whom she loves as a sister. One evening during the horrible period of 11th grade, Kayla “got so drunk and tried to start walking with no shoes and it was winter.” Her sister-cousin found Kayla and made sure she “was warm at least.” Even though this relative herself dropped out of high school, she encouraged Kayla to persist. “Just go to school!” Kayla recalled her saying. Kayla felt that for a number of her close friends whom she claims as sisters and brother, her persistence and graduation “got them excited.” Kayla told similar stories of other friends who “would always just be there to talk with me,” especially “when my mom was all over the place.” Kayla turned to a page in her Family section packed with 16 yearbook photographs of friends, most non-Natives and not all of whom made it to graduation. She explained, “I know a lot on this page that do” experience trauma in their personal lives and still try to persevere at school. Kayla’s scrapbook contains text messaged jokes and funny images that helped her through this time, sent by her dad and cousins. Another picture she took late one night after work when she went to stay at her aunt’s house and found plastic letters spelling out the message, “Erbs Kayla” to the refrigerator. “Erbs” is a Crow slang expression meaning “jokes”. 158 Figure 28. Cheerful message on Kayla's aunt's fridge Figure 29. Kayla, her mom and sisters; Kayla her dad and sister Crossing Borders and Expanding Horizons Moving between different parts of her family, and from reservation to bordertown and city has been a reality for Kayla. Even “being with my mom and my dad” is for Kayla, “two different worlds, not just being in Sapphire.” Kayla explained the mixed reactions she felt “when I go back to where I’m from” on the reservation to visit her Grandpa Ardy. Some people greeted her with a friendly “Hey” and wanted to talk for a 159 long time, while the attitude of others seemed to be, “What the heck is she doing here?” Kayla chose to return to Sapphire for her final year of high school although that required leaving her home community and facing the rigorous academic expectations and attendance policies of Lincoln High. She missed aspects of culture on the reservation while she lived in Sapphire, such as family connectedness, Crow language and the “ranch life” her mom and siblings grew up with. Kayla told me about a young man from her home community whom she admired because “he’s traditional, he speaks fluent Crow” and participates in cultural activities such as hand games and arrow tournaments. Kayla regrets that her own cultural knowledge is not deeper. For example, “just even the districts. I don’t even know if I’m Mountain Crow or River Crow,” she said, referring to the bands within the Crow tribe. Off the reservation, some people would learn that Kayla is Crow and “they would ask me questions and I never had the right answers.” Kayla tried to articulate the border-crossing she experiences while learning and living in her different worlds due to cultural differences in “the way we’re taught” and “what makes us different, Native from non-Native.” Even though Kayla “was only there till fifth grade” at the reservation school, the one she returned to for the end of 11th grade, she felt that her way of perceiving and interacting with others was established because “it all starts at home, way back then and it just sticks with us. Like everything good and some things bad.” On the other hand, Kayla appreciated being able to live in the city and have experiences beyond her reservation community. She referred to life off the reservation as being “out there” and explained, “It taught me a lot, being out there.” Going to school in 160 Sapphire allowed Kayla to make friends with Natives from other tribes. She asked two Aaniinin/Gros Ventre students who became her friends, “‘What are you?’ Cause they’re up north and I can tell they’re not from around here,” even by their different slang expressions. Kayla’s scrapbook contains many pictures of Hispanic and White friends too. On her school band trip to Los Angeles, she was found it “fun playing with other people,” many of whom were Asian. Throughout high school, Kayla heard the messages that she has options; she heard this from different people and in different ways. That message was sometimes hard to hear during times of crisis when she was in survival mode. How Kayla received this message seemed to depend on the relationship she had with whomever was talking. Although he did not force or judge her, Kayla recalls her father echoing the importance of choosing education when he told her, “Don’t drop out. You’ll be just like the rest of them. You’ll get stuck here.” Other caring adults like her Assistant Principal and I echoed positive messaging about Kayla’s choices. It is a message that she has continued to seek and internalize since high school. Kayla referred to the words of a close friend who encouraged her when she was feeling hopeless and overwhelmed by negative influences. He told her, “‘You’re not predestined.’ I thought about all kinds of stuff, like whether I was going through right there, or anything positive, or anything I’ve already been through. I was like, ‘I’m not! This doesn’t define me.’” Kayla shared her perception that many of her friends and relatives on the reservation also wanted “to get out and then just be able to go back and visit.” For Kayla, graduating from an urban high school meant “I’m not limited… There’s all kinds of people and places and a lot more 161 jobs.” Chad’s Protective Factors Chad is an enrolled member of the Crow tribe. I have known him since 2010, when he was a student in my French class and a member of the Native American Club at Lincoln High, which I co-sponsored. Chad graduated from Lincoln High in 2014. He lives on Crow reservation and drove 35 miles each way to attend Lincoln High, except for his 9th grade year when his parents owned a house in Sapphire so that two of their sons could attend Lincoln High more easily. The following stories of Chad’s protective factors throughout high school were gathered from five hours of interviews and 15 hours of scrapbooking. Chad asked if his cousin, Tyus, could join us before the first interview. I knew Tyus from Lincoln High and readily agreed, obtaining informed consent from both young men. Tyus came to all three interview sessions and two lengthy scrapbooking sessions. Although data collection focused on Chad’s protective factors, the close relationship between these two young men meant that Tyus was an excellent thinking partner, sharing the scrapbooking work and occasionally assisting with Chad’s recollections. We met for the first interview at the Sapphire public library. For subsequent sessions, we met at my house, where Chad and Tyus came to feel comfortable and it was easier to work on the scrapbook. We shared meals at two restaurants and also ordered take out food at my home to sustain us through our interviews and scrapbooking. As Tyus began to contribute more to the data collection, especially sharing the scrapbooking work, I compensated both as co- 162 researchers in accordance with Institutional Review Board guidelines. While the scrapbooks of the other two co-researchers in this study developed more like artfully decorated photo albums, Chad incorporated a landscape and seascape themed paper with pictures, thought bubbles and other elements to create some pages that became a new visual composition, beyond a collection of images. His finished scrapbook contains 24 pages filled with the following contents: ● 24 photographs contributed by Chad or me and some copied from his high school yearbook ● 2 copies of pre existing collages made from 12 family photographs ● 10 images sourced from the internet and a one from a postcard ● 4 articles taken from either the Lincoln High School newspaper, a Sapphire newspaper or Indian Country Today ● A handwritten note from author Sherman Alexie to Chad’s family ● A leadership award certificate from a Montana Native American advocacy group ● A quote from the Crow Chief, Plenty Coups I used the scrapbook categories created by Chad as codes for initial analysis. The original order of sections in Chad’s scrapbook categories was: ● Childhood of a Part-Time Indian ● Home Land ● Perspectives on History ● Native Club ● Diversity in the School 163 ● Defending Native American Literature: Sherman Alexie Book Challenge ● Graduation ● Encouraging Influences At the same time I conducted initial coding using Chad’s scrapbook categories, I coded additional data that seemed relevant to protective factors but did not fit under Chad’s scrapbook section headings as “other important”, which became an additional category, Crossing Borders and Rising to Overcome. I synthesized descriptions of Chad’s scrapbook and selected images and pages from the scrapbook with interview data to write a narrative about his protective factors. I shared a draft version of this narrative with Chad to seek his input in keeping with the collaboration and power sharing which is necessary within CBPR. Chad made corrections and added suggestions using comment bubbles on a Google Document, which I then incorporated to create the narrative summary of findings. Due to space limitations, Chad and I agreed on editing some sections for this chapter. See Appendix F for the full version of his narrative. Childhood of a Part-Time Indian The title of this first section in Chad’s scrapbook is a reference to Sherman Alexie’s The Absolutely True Diary of a Part-Time Indian. This novel means a great deal to Chad because the protagonist, Arnold “Junior” Spirit, has experiences that parallel Chad’s life in many ways. Junior is born with hydrocephalus, commonly known as “water on the brain”. True Diary was the first book Chad read while recuperating from head trauma caused by a horse riding accident when he was 14. He explained, “When I fell off that horse and I hit that artery, they had to put me in that sedated coma.” As part 164 of his therapy, Chad’s doctors told him, “It will help your reading skills, your brain function more.” True Diary became even more important to Chad during his senior year of high school. He helped to defend the place of Alexie’s novel in the Sapphire’s 10th grade English curriculum when a small group of parents protested to the Sapphire school board, claiming that the novel was inappropriate. Chad’s activism during the book challenge gave him a much-needed focus after his dad was shot in a hunting accident. The section Defending Native Literature explains this protective factor. Six pages in the Childhood of a Part-Time Indian section of Chad’s scrapbook and the childhood stories that Chad shared with me during interviews reveal a loving family who live on their reservation, cherish their Crow culture and have supported each other through some traumatic events. Chad could relate to the teenaged Native American character, Junior, in many respects: recovering from head injury, a close family beset with hardships, resilience and the desire for educational opportunities beyond the reservation. Unlike Junior in True Diary, both of Chad’s parents are college graduates. Chad describes his mom as his “biggest influence.” Her elementary education was made more difficult by the fact that she spoke Crow as her first language and learned English when she went to school. Chad’s mom had her first child during high school, yet “was still able to go and get her Bachelor’s in Business so she is a director of IT at the hospital.” Chad spoke with great admiration about his mom’s emotional resilience and explained that she has been able to “overcome things that deep down have put a darkness inside of us.” Chad described his dad as “really funny, really smart.” Until a hunting accident, 165 Chad’s father was “privileged to have a business on the rez” that was “making good money.” After struggling with motivation for his studies during his first two years of high school, and after his father was shot in a hunting accident which plunged the family into financial crisis, Chad “kicked it into gear” for grades 11 and 12. He found inspiration in the examples of education and hard work his parents had set. He told friends, some of whom were contemplating dropping out, “I’m going to graduate! If my parents are really smart, then I can do this too. There’s no way that I cannot do this.” Chad’s grandmother was another source of inspiration. In her childhood, she “was half deaf and they didn’t have money for a hearing aid,” so his grandmother dropped out of school. Chad explained that his high school graduation was “for my grandma as well. She really wanted this and it’s just not worth it not to try.” Chad’s two older brothers attended school off the reservation, and one of them graduated from Lincoln High. One of them inspired Chad with a love of history, particularly their Crow heritage. This was one reason why Chad knew “so much about where we come from because he [Chad’s brother] wanted to know our culture so much.” Furthermore, Chad attended and graduated from Lincoln High with Tyus and one other childhood friend from the reservation. These three young men grew up together like brothers and also had the benefit of attending a good elementary school on the reservation. After his father’s hunting accident, and given Chad’s lack of academic engagement to that point, his mom suggested that Chad transfer to the reservation high 166 school during grade 11. However, Chad felt strongly about remaining at Lincoln High. He said that he loved Lincoln and described it as a good school where “the teachers would push for me to graduate.” He was not confident that this would be the case on the reservation because the reservation high school was small and did not have “the funds for what I already saw as school,” for example classes in French and accounting. When Chad insisted, “I can do it. You don’t have to tell me that I have to transfer schools to graduate,” his parents supported his choice. They had faith in him and they had raised Chad to have faith in himself. Chad stated, “I’m a good person and I have integrity.” In True Diary, addiction issues affect Junior’s reservation community, including members of his family. Chad shared that some members of his own family have struggled with addiction and that “nobody realizes how messed up it really is” on the reservation. At the same time, Chad expressed frustration that Natives are stereotyped, “like we’re all addicts or something.” Chad understood grief and some unhealthy coping behaviors in the context of federal Indian policies and historical trauma (refer to chapter 2 for further explanation), but like Junior, Chad was incredibly resilient in pursuing his education and hope. After Tyus talked about “systematic oppression” inherent in the creation of reservations and how “we never really drank before that, before the colonists,” Chad added, “But you can’t lay there, mentally.” 167 Figure 30. Chad, his brother, cousin and dad 168 Figure 31. Gun representing hunting accident and Chad's family Home Land The Home Land section of Chad’s scrapbook captures his love of Crow country and the protective factors provided by his ancestors and culture. Chad’s family lives on a 169 street that bears their name. Chad shared extensively about the importance of sacred lands both on and off the reservation, including the Bighorn Mountains, the Crazy Mountains, and the Pryors. He also lamented that there is “so much sacred land that is not ours anymore.” Chad felt strongly about the importance of protecting the remaining land base because “It’s all we have left.” In social studies classes at Lincoln High, Chad once compared the importance of the Bighorn Mountains for Crow tribal members to the importance of the Mormon tabernacle for members of that faith; a sacred place off limits to outsiders. Figure 32. Chad and cousin horse riding on Crow homeland Chad knows his family history back four generations on both sides. In sharing the cultural tradition of oral history, Chad explained, “it’s a big thing to know what you’re talking about.” Growing up, Chad’s grandmother told him stories about his relatives, including the story of his adopted Nakoda/Assiniboine ancestor, Girl Wolf House, who 170 escaped an abusive French fur trapper husband and travelled on horseback to Crow Country, where she met up with Chad’s great-great grandfather and then raised Chad’s great-grandfather. Chad included an old time photograph of a Native American woman in his scrapbook to represent “the woman that raised my great-grandpa, that created the beautiful family who is here” and also to represent “every Native woman that had to go through so much.” Chief Plenty Coups (1848-1932) was an important influence on Chad. Chad had been told two versions of Plenty Coups’ vision quest during which a “buffalo man” showed the chief a vision of how “buffalo started coming inside the ground”; when they re-emerged, there were “cows everywhere instead of buffalo.” This vision foretold the coming of White people and “a lot of injustice.” Chief Plenty Coups also received the understanding that the Crow people had to “keep this land” and “be like the chickadee and not flee when the time comes.” Chad explained, “the chickadee became his medicine after that.” The chickadee doesn’t leave for the winter. They use other birds’ nests as their own. There are pictures of Chief Plenty Coups on his wagon going from Edgar, Montana to Pryor and he would have chickadees on his back and he would sing along with the chickadees. Chad included in his scrapbook a picture of a chickadee and one of Chief Plenty Coups. Looking at this page, explained: “Here’s our leader, and I know he’s not in some big house, in a suit. No he’s on a horse and wearing traditional clothing.” On the same page is a photograph of Chad’s great-grandpa Tex “in almost the same regalia” as Plenty Coups. “I love this page a lot,” explained Chad. During the interviews, Chad mentioned Chief Plenty Coups’ quote, “With education, you are the white man’s equal. Without 171 education you are his victim.” Chad valued education about his Crow heritage and oral history as a protective factor. Chad “wasn’t going to be a victim” of Eurocentric textbooks that sugar coated American History or of teachers who deferred to such textbooks. Figure 33. Chad's Grandpa Tex, Plenty Coups, chickadee and Native girl 172 Chad had a favorite saying that he reiterated throughout the three interviews: “You are loved by the blood of a thousand before you.” Chad elaborated, “Your blood has been here for generations before you, from the dawn of time, and now you’re here. It’s our time.” His Indian name is Iitachi’sash, meaning Never Alone. Chad connects his Indian name with the love he feels from his ancestors. His knowledge of his history has been a protective factor when he dealt with negative stereotypes of American Indians and a lack of knowledge of about Crows and Native issues. Chad explained, “You have to be comfortable in your own shoes and comfortable with somebody giving you knowledge… But sometimes you can realize that you can be the master or teacher.” Perspectives on History In addition to knowledge of his family history and ancestors, Chad shared knowledge about many aspects of federal Indian policy (MOPI, 2012). The broad sweep of his historical knowledge was punctuated by specific examples from his own family. Chad gave examples of “a cultural genocide and a physical genocide against hundreds of Indigenous tribes” followed by policies of “forced assimilation.” Information about American Indians in history classes was largely absent or biased, in the experience of Chad and Tyus. Tyus recalled learning about the Columbian Exchange in world history, “about how different fruits were switched…but they act like we’re not really educated enough to learn about what really happened.” Chad agreed, adding that there was insufficient attention given in history classes to “how our cultures mess up other people’s cultures.” Chad’s perspective was that knowing about evils committed in history “lets us know how to be prepared for things.” 173 By far the most egregious aspect of American history, especially in the way that it was presented to Chad in classes, was the concept of Manifest Destiny. Chad was offended by what he read and heard, that “these people in wagons were these innocent people going to their home.” Chad’s firm view was that “they were going onto the Native American lands. It’s a war, but it’s not looked at like that.” When Chad tried to express his perspective, he felt “shot down” by a teacher whose attitude was, “We’re not going to talk about it,” according to Chad. He recalled one friend in that class supporting him saying, “True Chad, true.” Other students made comments or gave looks to the effect of, “Get over it!” Chad recalled one student in his United States History class echoing the concept of Manifest Destiny by saying, “This land is meant for us.” Chad said, “I almost punched him in the face.” Chad expressed an awareness that the actions of the United States against American Indians were in keeping with human history. He explained, “It’s normal for people to fight over land because it’s the breadbasket of the world, but to not teach how this war on Native Americans went down, then that’s what I’m mad about.” Chad included four pages in his Perspectives on History scrapbook section. The first of these prominently features the painting “American Progress” by John Gast that both Chad and Tyus recalled discussing in history class when studying Manifest Destiny. Chad added horns and a tail to the central figure in the painting as a way of expressing his view about “this angel guiding the people.” From Chad’s perspective, the figure representing Manifest Destiny was a “demon destroying what was here before.” Chad added stickers including a pirate ship with American colors and a word bubble saying 174 “epidemics” on the beach themed scrapbook paper to represent the “oppression” that “came from over the seas” and “the blood that was spilled.” Faces of four historic Native leaders replacing the Presidents on Mount Rushmore represented “All Natives” who were “the founding inspiration of why” Chad created this page in his scrapbook and why he chose to speak up about Native perspectives throughout high school. 175 Figure 34. Perspectives on History page from Chad's scrapbook Chad shared his knowledge and thoughts about the Assimilation Era of federal Indian policy, especially the boarding schools where generations of Native students were sent, often forcibly. Even though Chad said, “I follow the Bible,” he resented the “systematic oppression” designed to eradicate Native culture and “the other different 176 religions.” He talked about “evils” committed by missionaries against Native American youth in boarding schools. Chad described the process of colonization as others trying to “take your land. They are trying to just rip who you are out of you.” Sharing his thoughts on the reservation system, Chad compared it to pharmaceutical drug advertised on television. Insofar as reservations have preserved Native cultures and languages, Chad compared them to “those pills on TV” that “will help you.” However, he also knew from his family history that when the reservations were created and reduced in size, “people had to move from all over these places to live on this little piece of land and they couldn’t leave.” Chad added that the “pill” of the reservation system “has side effects, may cause blood clots that lead to paralysis” and “you might not be able to move for the rest of your life.” Under another federal policy of Termination and Relocation from 1953-1971 (MOPI 2001, p. 7), Chad’s told of how his grandparents on his mom’s side “had to go through the Indian Relocation Act.” Having heard his grandparents’ stories of relocation in Los Angeles, Chad saw the Relocation Act as “each and every household” experiencing “their own Trail of Tears because they’re getting pushed off the reservation.” Chad’s view was that is was impossible to undo the effects of relocation once Native families learned “exactly what it’s like out there in the city life.” Chad’s knowledge of oppressive treatment of minorities was not limited to American Indians. He spoke at length about African Americans, the history of slavery and their struggle for civil rights, saying, “they are our brothers.” He also spoke briefly about the need for “feminism because I think we should all be equal.” 177 Chad was inspired by Native American history. He reflected on his motives in protest actions, such as writing to the school board to complain about the way Manifest Destiny was taught, but decided “I know deep down I’m not doing it to be rude or mean.” He was aware that some people would perceive his views as “un-American.” For someone to say that, they’d be, “Go back to your homeland.” But I’m on my homeland, and I want you guys to know that I feel very good about myself and my confidence, knowing that I can create something that spits more truth than a teacher at some high school. Gratitude was a mindset that Chad wished for all people. He was grateful for “the long line of people we come from” and for the material comforts that he and his family enjoy. Chad’s mom nurtured this attitude of gratitude. She always shows me old pictures and she’s like, “Chad, look at this.” And there’s one picture that’s my mom’s favorite picture ever… It’s an old Native lady with two big bundles of sticks and she’s old, she’s wobbling from side to side and it’s snowy out and her tipi is underneath these two trees and my mom is all like, “Just getting inside our car is a luxury.” Ironically, knowledge of oppression was a protective factor for Chad. He explained, “It’s kind of tough to say that a big part of why you’re going to graduate is because I’m not going to be that begging person that’s oppressed.” Chad was inspired by learning Native perspectives of history and “knowing that you deserve more.” However, he also stated, “Nobody should think that everything should be handed to them. We should all be able to work and do what we need to do for ourselves, being grateful for what we have.” Native Club Four pages in Chad’s scrapbook are dedicated to Lincoln High School’s Native 178 American Club, with group photographs of club members and club sponsors in a variety of activities, including Indian taco sales and hand game tournaments. Chad was not often able to attend Native American Club because he had to work after school and make the 35-mile trip home to the reservation. However, he valued the times that he could attend Native Club, and was proud to see Native American Club members dancing and parading at assemblies. It was important to Chad that “other kids saw it too and were like, wow! We’re still out here, kicking it. We’re still here. It helps everybody know we still have culture. Like Westward Expansion doesn’t mean that we’re gone.” Diversity in the School Sapphire is “pretty much all White, a little bit of Natives and a little bit of Mexicans of other minorities,” in Chad’s estimation. With some negative stereotypes surrounding Natives, Sapphire is not an easy place, in Chad’s experience. In general, the population of Sapphire has “no appreciation” of Chad’s Crow culture. I grow up in this culture. I grew up in this way and then I come to a place where my culture is not even known. Like, nothing is known. You guys don’t even know how to say one word in my language. For these reasons, Chad described feeling somewhat “unwelcome” on some occasions in Sapphire, although he qualified this assessment by adding, “Not me exactly, because I know who I am. But I feel like there are some kids out there that feel a little lost. They don’t know where they are going because they don’t know who they are.” This accounted for why Chad felt that many Native youth “feel like they have to be at home, with their families” on the reservation, surrounded by culture. Chad compared going to an urban environment for education or work to the Relocation Act. 179 That’s kind of how it is when you go from your culture-based school that is really kind of a poor school and the funds are poor, and when you go to a school in town that’s bigger. It’s kind of like the same thing as being relocated where your culture doesn’t exist. Although Chad did not always feel entirely welcome in Sapphire, he described Lincoln as “a really diverse school and a good school.” Two pages of his scrapbook and many stories shared during our interview to reflect his appreciation of teachers who fostered learning environments where students felt welcome to share their stories, and wanted to see more of this. Chad also spoke well of the other urban high schools in Sapphire where other friends and relatives attended because “we all have the Native American help. We have the Native American Club. We have all these resources.” Figure 35. Native students preparing to dance at Lincoln assembly A number of Chad’s teachers implemented Indian Education for All in ways that engaged him and, from his perspective, enlightened other students. This was particularly the case in his English classes. In 9th grade, Chad students read the Athabascan tale by Velma Wallis, Two Old Women. His 10th grade English teacher who Chad said “loves 180 Natives” taught The Absolutely True Diary of a Part-Time Indian, but Chad and another student who had already read the novel were assigned another Sherman Alexie novel, The Lone Ranger and Tonto Fistfight in Heaven. Chad recalled reading Michael Dorris’ Yellow Raft in Blue Water during 11th grade, and stated that the novel study and class discussions “actually brought out a lot about Native Americans.” He also appreciated his 11th grade teacher sharing her knowledge on Crows as being “matriarchal and monotheistic.” In his senior year, Chad’s English class studied Fools Crow by James Welch. Although this was not an easy novel for many students to understand and appreciate, Chad stated that “there were definitely interesting understandings” as a result of reading Fools Crow. Chad had some history and social studies teachers who invited students to “look at things from different angles” and approached Native American issues with cultural sensitivity. One of his history teachers grew up on the Crow reservation and “speaks a little Crow,” which Chad greatly appreciated. Although Chad took issue with the way Manifest Destiny was taught with little or no consideration of the Native perspective, he said that on other issues, his social studies teachers were more open to diverse viewpoints. For example, during preparations for Mock Congress, his government teacher allowed students to hold an impromptu debate on the pros and cons of installing condom machines in the girls’ and boys’ bathrooms. Chad felt very comfortable expressing his views in psychology where Mrs. Shell’s teaching “actually got me to think how America is founded and how things are perceived.” Psychology class was “one place I could go and talk to people about my 181 train of thought and how I perceive things.” He cited a particular lesson where students read and responded to a poem titled, “Paint Me As I Am,” which explored emotions and human behavior. Chad interpreted the poem differently from other students, but “Mrs. Shell didn’t want us to think that the poem had one particular meaning.” Chad explained, “I think that was the day I realized, you can look at things differently.” One of his non-core classes, a technology class, was enjoyable for Chad because “you could talk about different cultures.” The teacher, Mrs. Bottega, allowed students to choose the content of a project, so Chad took the opportunity to share information about the Crow clan system with fellow students in a video presentation that he created. Summarizing IEFA implementation at Lincoln High, especially by his English teachers, Chad comments, “all these teachers have done something great.” In addition to curriculum content, Chad pointed to the importance of respectful classroom communities. When their 11th grade English class was reading Huckleberry Finn, he expressed concern over the dated and racist language in Mark Twain’s novel, specifically reading the word “nigger” aloud. When Chad’s teachers were able to get students “to appreciate and respect each other,” students were able to share about their cultural background and views. For his fellow Native students in urban high schools, many of whom Chad described as “shy”, he wished that more of them would “feel comfortable speaking about what they think is ok and what’s not ok.” If this required disagreeing with a Eurocentric concept in a textbook or a perspective shared in discussion, Chad wanted other tribal members to “learn to stand up and fight it, but not being rude. Just saying, ‘Hey, I’m not comfortable with that in the classroom.’” He 182 extended his desire for empowerment and voice to students from other subgroups. For example, “If someone is teaching about Latin America, and you have some girl from Chile or Panama or Colombia,” Chad wanted that girl to feel comfortable to say, “No, it’s not like that.” In spite of some frustrations with a lack of Native perspectives in some social studies classes, Chad affirmed that at Lincoln High “There are really cool teachers who…make the classroom a fun place” and help students “learn how to learn.” Chad appreciated the teachers he had who were “over the top” in terms of dedication, their respect for individuality and cultural diversity. He explained, “We need teachers that care.” Chad understood that it can be hard for many educators “to even approach” IEFA, but believed “it will work out in the long run.” Defending Native Literature During Chad’s senior year, a group of parents protested to the Sapphire school board, requesting that Sherman Alexie’s The Absolutely True Diary of a Part-Time Indian be removed from the 10th grade English reading list due to what they considered inappropriate language and negative depictions of Native Americans. Specifically, they raised concerns about the number of characters who are alcoholic, poor and die in road accidents and other tragedies. I invited Chad to express his opinion to a school board meeting because I knew that he loved True Diary. Chad chose to become an activist on this issue and worked hard to organize support among students, parents and the community. After our initial conversation about the book challenge, he went to art class and discussed the matter with his art teacher, Mrs. Belle. She encouraged him to write to 183 every school board member, which he did with the assistance of his technology teacher, Mrs. Bottega. Chad also took petitions to each high school building in Sapphire. He spoke at a family night for American Indian families at Lincoln High and gathered petition signatures there also. Chad’s brother helped him create another online petition, and overall he gathered 1,400 signatures in support of retaining True Diary in the curriculum. Chad also contacted media and conducted interviews with the Lincoln High newspaper, two Sapphire newspapers and the national online publication, Indian Country Today. Chad included three of these articles in the Defending Native Literature section of his scrapbook. The girlfriend of Chad’s brother was taking a university class in another city and studied the book challenge in one of her classes, with particular mention of Chad’s activism. She told Chad, “I’m really proud that you’re doing that.” Chad spoke in defense of True Diary at an ad hoc school board meeting called to deal with the book challenge, along with both of his parents, many other students, teachers and community members, Native and non-Native. The majority of people attending the meeting spoke in support of True Diary. 184 Figure 36. Chad's photo appeared in "Indian Country Today" Chad understood that the parent who led the challenge against True Diary did not agree with Alexie’s depiction of reservation life, but in Chad’s opinion, True Diary was “the most representative book” dealing with contemporary Native life. He expressed admiration for Sherman Alexie as a Native American who is “doing so much” for all Natives. Chad knew from experience that “kids come in every single day” for school, like Junior in the novel. The struggles faced by Junior and his family show “how much harder we work to come into town to earn money” because “there’s not a lot of money on the rez.” Chad also saw the realism in Alexie’s depiction of racism, especially in towns that border reservations, like Reardon in the novel. He mentioned two bordertowns close to the Crow reservation, saying “there is a lot of racism over there.” Like Junior, Chad also had loyal friends and allies among non-Native students and teachers, many of whom testified alongside Chad at the school board meeting. Chad 185 wanted students in Sapphire to continue reading True Diary and “know that there’s a struggle for education,” a struggle by tribal members “to get what they deserve.” Regarding the alcoholism, poverty and many funerals in the novel, Chad wanted students to “understand that the way things are is not because of perhaps themselves” but often because of federal policies “other people inflicted upon them.” Junior’s grief, struggle, resilience and hope so powerfully resonated with Chad’s life stories. His message during the book challenge was, “Don’t whitewash anything. Don’t water it down.” Throughout the book challenge, Chad said that a protective factor was knowing “that I had help, I could call some people, or I know that there’s people that care, in general.” A parent who heard Chad speak at the Lincoln High Indian Education family night reached out to Chad and said, “I want to help you.” Lincoln High administrators awarded Student of the Month honors to Chad for his activism throughout the book challenge. A Montana Native American advocacy group also presented Chad with a leadership award at the graduation barbeque held by the Sapphire’s Indian Education department for Native American graduating seniors. Chad even received a handwritten note from Sherman Alexie thanking him and his family “for supporting and defending my book.” 186 Figure 37. Note from Sherman Alexie Chad explained that focusing on the book challenge gave him something “to look forward to” a year after his dad’s hunting accident when he was “just kind of gloomy about situations that were unfolding at the house” and “struggling to make it to school for gas.” He added, “It made me dedicate myself.” It made him happy to “go that far and even speak at the school board meeting.” Chad felt encouraged when so many teachers, parents and community members “said ‘Good job!’ because I did something.” Chad’s ultimate reward was the school board’s unanimous vote to retain True Diary in the curriculum. Following his social action for the Sherman Alexie book challenge, Chad felt confident in voicing his perspective on other issues. He explained, “That’s when I realized you can always go to the higher ups… You can always write a letter.” Because of his positive experience during the book challenge, Chad felt confident to write to the school board about the need for including Native perspectives when teaching sensitive social studies topics such as Manifest Destiny, rather than “how they’re teaching out of the book for history.” 187 Encouraging Influences Throughout our three interviews, Chad talked about how he “loved” many classes and many Lincoln High teachers who “try their best and they have a systematic way that is more positive than negative.” Chad was able to appreciate qualities in teachers even when he did not benefit from all aspects of their teaching. He described one of his math teachers as having “a really cool, positive vibe” even though he sometimes felt disregarded when he asked questions. Another teacher whom Chad found authoritarian in manner was appreciated for how she was prepared to “get with you individually” to go over concepts and skills. Chad also appreciated teachers who would share real world knowledge, such as tips for saving money, etc. Chad spoke with great appreciation about Mrs. Shell, a teacher who “genuinely cares,” and could “make kids feel protected” because students know that she “wants them to have a good life, doesn’t want them to be what society thinks they’re going to be.” One disadvantage in Chad’s view of having such a caring teacher was that some students were “scared to have a different teacher.” Chad took accounting for three years, and his accounting teacher, Ms. Ferry, was his mentor in 9th and 10th grade. She would ask him about “family life and how things were going” as well as his grades and why he was struggling in some classes. Sometimes Chad’s mentor would tell him, “You need to come up to my room and work on this project after school.” Although the mentoring program did not figure prominently in Chad’s recollections of high school, he said that “she was a good mentor.” In his senior year, Chad “busted in gear” to recover four classes that he failed in 188 9th or 10th grade. “I couldn’t fail anything at all,” he explained. Chad took “really time consuming” online self-paced courses for credit recovery class. He appreciated the credit recovery teacher, Mrs. Underwood, saying “she really helped me” and she was “hard on us.” Chad felt that Mrs. Underwood’s balance of help and high expectations was effective because “we were the kids that failed our classes.” In addition to the credit recovery class, Chad had to take a physical education class before school to give him another credit needed for graduation. The teacher for this conditioning class, Coach Burnett, realized that Chad was travelling 35 miles to school and occasionally made allowances for attendance and punctuality, telling Chad, “That’s pretty hard to wake up an hour before these kids and come in and do what you’re doing.” This teacher also pushed Chad to achieve. Chad explained, “he knew I had it in me not to be this chubby, lazy kid that doesn’t know how to work out.” Chad was “motivated to go to school more” because he knew he could be healthier. He quit drinking sugary drinks, lost weight and felt his fitness improve. Chad mentioned two other gym teachers who also encouraged him and understood that he could have played sports and applied for athletic scholarships if it were not for the injuries he sustained in a horse riding accident at age 14. On the Encouraging Influences page of his scrapbook, Chad included a sample of teachers and school friends who were protective factors, including Mrs. Shell, Mrs. Belle, Ms. Ferry and Coach Burnett. These teachers supported Chad’s goals in different ways, whether it was encouraging him to raise his voice at the Sherman Alexie book challenge, creating classroom communities where students could explore multiple perspectives on 189 topics, or helping him to improve his physical fitness. They were teachers with high expectations, who Chad knew would “push for me to graduate” when necessary. Since Chad was confident in discussing pedagogy from the perspective of a Native student, I asked him if he identified aspects of teaching styles that are particularly important for the success of Native students. He replied, “That’s a hard one because Natives, they’re people too.” We continued to ponder this questions throughout our interviews. Tyus also appears on this page of Encouraging Influences, along with a sample of other important school friends, Native and non-Native. Tyus was there for Chad throughout his school years and on the night when Chad’s father was shot. They shared a pride in their Crow culture, as Tyus explained, “We’re still strong and we’re fighting for what we believe in and we haven’t lost our culture.” Chad turned to his friends for extra support during the last two years of high school after his father’s hunting accident, when he was supporting family members emotionally, recovering credit in several classes and supporting himself financially. He stayed for prolonged periods with one non-Native friend in Sapphire and turned occasionally to others as well. Crossing Borders and Rising to Overcome Chad expressed the view that “a lot of shy Native kids stick together.” Many choose to stay on the reservation “at home with their families” and “where there’s more culture.” He understood that coming to Sapphire sometimes meant dealing with negative stereotypes about Native Americans and a lack of cultural awareness by the mostly White population about his Crow culture, which has been here since time immemorial. Chad said he felt “restricted” in Sapphire, but only somewhat because he was protected by 190 knowing “who I am.” His knowledge of his family history, Crow culture and the “giant genocide” of federal Indian policy helped him make sense of historical trauma in Indian country. This awareness also inspired him to demand opportunities. Rather than “stand down for a little bit of something,” Chad was inspired to “go for it all.” Chad showed determination in pursuing his education at Lincoln High, following the example set by his parents and older brothers. He was also inspired by the stories and words of Crow chiefs and the desire to honor his grandmother who was denied the opportunity of a good education. Thus Chad was willing to make the 35-mile trip to Lincoln High, even when this created significant financial burdens. Chad identified two turning points during high school, which increased his appreciation of education and opportunity. One “crucial time was my dad getting shot,” a traumatic event that was exacerbated by ensuing financial crisis. When Chad’s mom’s suggested that he transfer to the reservation school because he had “messed up too much” during 9th and 10th grade, Chad insisted on remaining at Lincoln High, saying, “I had my friends. I love Lincoln. It’s a good school.” In a sense, his dad’s accident and the stressful aftermath made Chad appreciate more fully the importance of choice and his ability to cross cultural borders. The threat of not being able to attend his school of choice, Lincoln High, sparked what Chad called “that drive.” When Chad was taking extra classes in his senior year so that he could graduate on time, his guidance counselor also commented that Chad rose to the occasion when he was “under pressure.” Chad identified that “another crucial time was transferring my gloominess to the book challenge” a year after his dad’s hunting accident. Chad switched focus from 191 surviving emotional, financial and academic challenges to actively campaigning for a cause in which he passionately believed: Sherman Alexie’s True Diary as an authentic Native voice within the English curriculum. Chad experienced many protective factors during the book challenge, in the support and encouragement of students, teachers, community members, media, the school board and even Sherman Alexie himself. Like his literary counterpart, Junior in True Diary, Chad showed great resilience when his family was afflicted with hardship. He also showed incredible determination in maintaining his cultural identity while venturing beyond the reservation; he was full of gratitude for the love of his ancestors and the encouragement of good teachers at an urban high school. Chad explained, “to be an urban Indian and to go far in this life, I mean, you get to keep these two worlds together but also separate at the same time.” Figure 38. Chad (center), Tyus on his right at graduation 192 CHAPTER FIVE DISCUSSION Introduction The purpose of this research was to explore protective factors that strengthen the innate resilience of American Indian students who seek to graduate from urban high schools. Knowledge of protective factors is important because American Indian students and their families continue to endure the legacy of assimilative educational policies such as the Boarding School Era, and the persistence of Eurocentric curricula and textbooks is “deeply irreverent to the life experiences of indigenous people” (Grande, 2004, p. 4). Low expectations and opportunity gaps (Brayboy & Maaka, 2015) also undermine American Indian student success. In Montana, achievement disparities persist for American Indian students, who are the majority minority. Over half of Montana’s Indian students attend school off reservations, with significant numbers in some urban areas. Protective factors for American Indian students include family and culture (Bergstrom et al., 2003; Deyhle, 1995). Montana’s Indian Education for All (IEFA) mandate (Juneau & Smoker-Broaddus, 2006; Montana Constitution, 1972), when infused with Culturally Responsive Pedagogy (CRP) (Gay, 2010; Klug & Whitfield, 2008), has the potential to provide further protective factors. At Lincoln High in the Sapphire school district, the site of this research, a number of programs aim to create more culturally responsive learning environments and provide resources to facilitate American Indian student achievement. 193 With the intention of focusing on the strengths and survivance of American Indian students and highlighting pockets of possibility for social justice teachers at urban high schools, I used case study methodology and Community Based Participatory Research (CBPR) (Stanton, 2014) with three American Indian co-researchers, each of whom graduated from Lincoln High in 2014 or 2105. I have long standing and trusting relationships with these three young adults, in keeping with Indigenous research methodologies (Smith, 2012; Wilson, 2008). Based on the academic literature and 28 years of experience teaching in urban high schools with significant and growing Indigenous student populations, my research questions focused on the protective factors of family, culture, CRP, IEFA and specific school and district programs intended to increase American Indian student achievement. Data sources included a series of three interviews with each co-researcher and a family member focus group with the mother of one co-researcher. The other data sources were scrapbooks of images and documents relevant to their resilience and protective factors, one compiled by each co-researcher. Specific Challenges Facing Urban Native Students High school can be challenging for many youth (Doll et al., 2013; Rumberger, 2011; Wagner, 2008), but achievement data (Brayboy & Maaka, 2015; MOPI, 2016) and research (Bergstrom et al., 2003) suggest that Native youth face additional challenges. Living in urban environments correlates with additional stresses for Native families, including high rates of poverty, transience and homelessness (NUIFC, 2008). Particular 194 contexts and stresses faced by urban Indian students like Alex, Kayla and Chad underscore the importance of protective factors explored in this research. Some American Indian students travel significant distances and cross physical borders to access opportunities at urban high schools. The three co-researchers in this study shed light on different experiences of the “indigenous diaspora” and the need for greater understanding by teachers of “the doubly marginalized voices of urban” youth (Grande, 2004, p. 3-4). Alex’s family relocated from the reservation specifically to access educational opportunities, and then travelled regularly in order to maintain connections with their Northern Cheyenne community. Kayla transferred between urban, bordertown and reservation high schools, struggling to find housing, so that she could graduate from Lincoln High. Chad traveled 70 miles round trip daily to attend Lincoln, and was conscious of “how much harder” Natives “work to come into town” for school and employment because “there’s not a lot of money on the rez.” Alex, Kayla and Chad perceived their reservation high schools as lacking courses and opportunities available at urban high schools. Almost half of AI/AN students attend rural schools where they have limited opportunities to participate in accelerated courses (Brayboy & Maaka, 2015). Alex took advanced math courses that would not have been available to her if she had stayed on her reservation. Kayla loved band and took music throughout high school. She was disappointed to find that her reservation school cut music programs when enrollment fell, so band class was not available when she returned there at the end of 11th grade. Chad took courses including accounting and French at Lincoln which were not available in his reservation high school. Alex’s mother was also 195 concerned about the impact that high dropout rates on the reservation might have had on Alex if she had gone to school there, and Chad stated that teachers at Lincoln would “push for me to graduate.” Minority status and a lack of understanding about their Crow and Northern Cheyenne cultures in the urban environment affected the co-researchers in different ways. American Indians occupy a liminal space (Brayboy, 2005) as ethnic minorities who are also enrolled members of sovereign tribal nations. Alex, Kayla and Chad attended school on ancestral homelands where members of the mainstream culture understand little about their heritage. Chad described Sapphire as “pretty much all White” with Native and Mexican minorities, and a city “where my culture is not even known.” Alex commented on the irony of being the “minority of minorities in your own country because we really don’t have anywhere to go,” and she experienced discomfort when people “think we’re extinct.” Chad explained that many American Indians feel “restricted” and “unwelcome” when they encounter stereotypes in Sapphire and bordertowns, including the stereotypes of “drunk Indians.” In urban schools where American Indian students are a minority, they may be at increased risk of stereotyping by non-Native teachers (Rogers & McLendon, 2015; Stanton, 2010) or criticism from their own communities for pursuing education (Stanton, 2010). Chad and Kayla talked about family members who struggled with addiction. Overcoming pressures associated with addiction requires particular resilience from Native youth (Bergstrom et al., 2004). In her senior year, Kayla chose to move back to Sapphire, away from the stronghold of her beloved Crow culture and family support 196 because “there were so many places I would fall at,” referring to addiction and unhealthy coping mechanisms. Chad understood addiction issues in the context of historical trauma created by the “systematic oppression” of federal Indian policies. Co-researchers described Lincoln as a good school and “diverse” (Chad and Kayla), but Kayla was aware that she was sometimes “the only Native in a few classes.” Alex expressed feeling “kind of lonely-ish,” especially in advanced classes or activities where she was the “only minority.” Co-researchers’ sense of isolation was exacerbated by Eurocentric textbooks, which are problematic for Native students and other students of color (San Pedro, 2015; Sanchez, 2007; Sleeter & Grant, 2009; Stanton, 2012). Kayla stated matter of factly, “They don’t have a lot of our history in the history books.” Eurocentric bias and bias by omission was noticed by co-researchers in history textbooks, with the exception of Montana Stories of the Land. Alex earned straight A’s in her high school social studies classes, but regretted that there was little room in the curriculum for exploring Native perspectives. In US history, she recalled “that angel in that one painting, Manifest Destiny” and talking about “AIM for, like, five minutes.” Chad was the most adamant in expressing his frustrations with a lack of information about American Indians in history and social studies classes. In particular, he recognized the problematic approaches to teaching Manifest Destiny and the imagery in Gast's painting The three co-researchers expressed profound connections to their cultures. At the same time, Alex felt “like a visitor” on the reservation because she did not grow up there. She missed out on important cultural activities during high school, such as the Fort Robinson Spiritual Run, because of academic obligations. Kayla struggled with mixed 197 reactions when she returned to or visited her reservation community. Some people would greet her with a friendly “Hey!” and want to talk, while other childhood friends “seemed really mad at me” for leaving. Kayla missed “the ranch life” and opportunities to learn Crow language and culture while living in Sapphire. She regretted that she “never had the right answers” when people asked her about her culture. Chad accepted the travel time required to live on the reservation while attending an urban high school, but still yearned for more Native perspectives and Crow culture in his education, which is why he attempted Native American Studies through the Montana Digital Academy in his senior year, until his course load became excessive. Alex experienced “anxiety” when she had to “transition back and forth” between her reservation and Sapphire. She compared the culture shock experienced by Native students in urban high schools to the temperature extremes of blanching vegetables. At home on the reservation Alex enjoyed “just being around relatives.” Kayla appreciated having family members at school on the reservation, having “an aunt or uncle or grandma working in the school.” Another difference between school cultures noted by Alex and Kayla was the fluidity of time in their reservation community, whereas in the urban high school, “the dominant culture is more on time” (Alex). Kayla included a visual joke about “Indian time” in her scrapbook: a clock face with the numbers out of sequence. Grande (2004) notes the ways in which Indigenous students transition between different ways of knowing in mainstream education and their home communities, between “spirit and reason ... the temporality of Western space and insisting upon the fluidity of traditional time” (p. 4-5). 198 Choosing to Cross Borders Alex, Kayla and Chad chose to cross borders, geographically and culturally. Chad chose to graduate from Lincoln rather than following his mother’s suggestion of attending the reservation school for 11th and 12th grade, even though completing high school on the reservation would have saved money and time. Alex’s mom relocated to Sapphire before Alex started elementary school because she wanted both of them “to be able to function in the city and survive.” Alex felt both intimidated and grateful to continue border-crossing when she traveled to Spain and Costa Rica with her Spanish classes. She explained, “The more you travel, the easier it gets ... You don’t think you’d get an opportunity like that.” With each challenge that she overcame, each new and daunting experience she chose for herself, the protective factor of her expanding horizons grew stronger. Border-crossing encouraged Alex to be “more courageous and try more new things,” such as attending an out of state college. Kayla was aware that she crosses borders in many ways, even “being with my mom and my dad” felt like “two different worlds” for Kayla, “not just being in Sapphire.” She missed relatives and Crow culture on the reservation, but from Kayla’s perspective, graduating from an urban high school meant “I’m not limited…There’s all kinds of people and places and a lot more jobs.” Grande (2004) draws attention to the “need to preserve and further sovereignty while also creating effective means of border- crossing” (p. 118). Chad echoed this goal when he said, “To be an urban Indian and to go far in this life, I mean, you get to keep these two worlds together but also separate at the same time.” Protective factors identified by co-researchers in this research facilitated 199 their border-crossing while preserving co-researchers’ identities as members of sovereign tribal nations. Family and Culture as Protective Factors The first research question was: How do protective factors, including family and cultural connectedness, help urban Indian students graduate? Co-researchers in this study shared many scrapbook images and stories relating to the protective factors of family and culture in terms of their wellbeing and academic success. These findings concur with the importance of culture and family for students reported in the literature (Bergstrom et al., 2003; HeavyRunner & DeCelles, 2002; Joseph & Windchief, 2015; Rogers & McClendon, 2015). Extended Family Relationships Close bonds within multi-generational, extended families are a protective factor for Native youth (Bergstrom et al., 2003; HeavyRunner & Marshall, 2002; Rogers & McClendon, 2015). Family bonds were a fundamental protective factor for Alex, especially between the Cheyenne women on her mother’s side of the family. Alex was comforted by smudging and prayer with her grandmother in Cheyenne language. She also had a close relationship with her great-grandmother who was an important tribal knowledge keeper. Chad told stories of the love and resilience of his relatives back four generations. He benefitted from the protective factor of his cousin Tyus and another Crow friend, whom he claims as a brother, accompanying him throughout his education. Kayla spoke at length about the importance of elders, and named many family members 200 as her heroes, including her mother, father and grandparents. She was particularly close to her Grandpa John Myron, whom Kayla said was “more like my dad.” He provided a safe space when other family relationships were strained. Even after his death, Kayla felt her grandpa’s protective influence as if he were still living. One qualification to the protective factor of family was shared by Kayla, who said that although family were her strongest allies and protective factors, family can “hurt you the worst” because they are so close to you. Nonetheless, Kayla’s sibling-cousins and aunties kept her safe from harm when she was at her lowest during 11th grade. Even cousins who had dropped out of school themselves told her, “Just go to school!” so Kayla felt that her graduation “got them excited.” When Kayla’s niece was born, her kinship obligations toward the next generation also influenced her to persevere with school and make healthy life choices. Kayla was present at the delivery and named the baby. As she gazed at her baby-niece for the first time, Kayla thought, she is “just like me.” Kayla understood that her role as aunt made her another mother in the Crow way, a kinship bond that is common to many Native cultures (Bergstrom et al., 2003). Native families who encourage their children’s success at school exert significant protective influence (Bergstrom et al., 2003; Joseph & Windchief, 2105; Rogers & McClendon, 2015). Kayla’s Grandpa John Myron was “really about education all the time.” Kayla’s dad also effectively encouraged her when she was struggling with school and life pressures. She was persuaded not only by his message to “just get your diploma at least,” but also by the many awards and achievements he accumulated when he was in high school. When Kayla was a senior, her tribal chairman encouraged her to persevere 201 with her education and gave her traditional dried meat and words of encouragement during a chance encounter. Chad described his mom as his “biggest influence.” He was inspired by both of his parents’ achievements in education and work. He said that he persevered through difficulties in his last two years of high school “for my grandma as well,” as she did not have the opportunity to graduate due to health issues and limited educational opportunities. Alex’s education was part of a shared mission with family members, especially her mom, who made great sacrifices so that Alex would “get more opportunities” and “a better education” than she had received. Knowledge of Native History Native youth can be protected by knowledge of colonization history (Brayboy, 2005; Grande, 2004; Joseph & Windchief, 2015; San Pedro, 2015). Alex talked about atrocities committed by Americans against her Cheyenne ancestors at Sand Creek and Fort Robinson. In 1993, her great-grandmother helped to repatriate the bones of ancestors who were massacred at Fort Robinson, Nebraska in 1879. The courage and sacrifice of her ancestors who “risked their lives to come back” to Montana after forced relocation to Oklahoma inspired Alex put the challenges of high school “in perspective… I’m not starving in a barrack, so why can’t I just write the paper?” When Alex felt overwhelmed with the stresses of school, her mom would remind her that she is “a strong Cheyenne woman.” During interviews, Chad discussed several episodes in “the giant genocide” of federal Indian policy, what Grande (2004) describes as the United States’ “original sin” (p. 31). Chad described colonization as the United States “trying to just rip who you are 202 out of you.” He was raised hearing the oral history of his family’s experiences, such as his grandparents’ experience of the Indian Relocation Act, which he described as each family experiencing “their own Trail of Tears.” This knowledge of colonization history was an important protective factor when he was offended by the Eurocentric content of history textbooks with images depicting “these people in wagons going to their home.” Chad was confident enough to present a Native perspective during class discussion, that settlers were “going onto the Native American lands” and it was “a war” even if “it’s not looked at like that.” Even when some classmates responded with an attitude of “get over it” and he felt “shot down” by a teacher, Chad wrote to the school board, encouraged by the success he had experienced defending Native literature at a school board hearing. The protective factor of knowing his own family and Crow history as well as the broader picture of American Indian experience within United States history made Chad determined to graduate, even when it occasionally led him into conflict with teachers and peers, “because I’m not going to be that begging person who’s oppressed.” Alex learned about the history of colonization, particularly as it related to her Northern Cheyenne tribe, from her family and from contemporary Native culture. Alex shared some of her perspectives on American history with two of her social studies teachers through the lyrics of Lupe Fiasco’s song “Unforgivable Youth.” She found the lyric “torture, terror, fear/till they nearly disappeared” an effective way to help other students and teachers consider the “grand” scale of genocidal policies towards American Indians. The song lyrics provided a way of speaking up vicariously because Alex explained that dissent is “easier when you don’t have to say anything.” Family and 203 cultural protective factors informed Chad’s and Alex’s responses to the way Manifest Destiny was taught. Their actions in speaking up directly and vicariously can be viewed as “naming one’s own reality as means of psychic preservation” (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995, p. 57). Contradicting Eurocentric curriculum takes courage; some youth from marginalized groups choose academic silence or refusal instead (San Pedro, 2015; Tuck & Yang, 2013), even if faced with negative consequences for their academic achievement and future employment prospects. Traditional Knowledge Systems and Cultural Continuum American Indian youth need to know their traditional knowledge systems; they are protected by cultural and spiritual practice as they find balance across cultural spaces (Bergstrom et al., 2003; Deyhle, 1995; HeavyRunner & DeCelles, 2002; Joseph & Windchief, 2015). Each of the co-researchers shared the importance of their Indian name with me. Kayla’s name, “Speaks to the Holy One” aligns with the importance of her Christian faith and the particular joy she takes when Christianity overlaps with traditional Crow ways. Alex understood the good omen implicit in her Indian name, “White Buffalo Calf Woman,” and made it the subject of high school art assignments. Chad’s name, “Never Alone,” was a powerful reminder to him that he is spiritually protected and “loved by the blood of a thousand” ancestors. It is not my intention to suggest that all or many urban Indian students have Indian names, or that they have Indian names connected to such powerful stories of identity and cultural significance. Indeed, it is important to resist romanticized “images and fantasies of the white man’s Indian” (Grande, 2004, p. 3). However, the fact that I knew these co-researchers for years before learning the 204 stories of their Indian names reminds me to be open to the possibility of powerful aspects of identity and cultural practice influencing urban Indian students. Messages of persistence from chiefs, ancestors and relatives resonated with the co-researchers. Alex was inspired by the Northern Cheyenne chiefs, Little Wolf and Dull Knife, who “led us back to Montana and our Cheyenne homeland that we will keep forever,” as she is reminded by her tribal identification card. At the end of senior year, Kayla was present to see one of her grandpas perform the groundbreaking at a new Sapphire school named in his honor. This grandpa was a decorated World War II hero, a tribal historian, the last traditional Crow chief and a source of inspiration to Kayla and countless others throughout his 102 years of life. Crow Chief Plenty Coups was a significant source of inspiration for Chad. The story of how the chickadee became Plenty Coups’ medicine inspired Chad to appreciate and defend his Crow homeland. Like the chickadee and Plenty Coups, Chad was determined not to “leave for the winter” of tough times, but stay and adapt to changing situations resulting from colonization. Chad was also inspired by Plenty Coups’ quote, “Education is your greatest weapon. With it, you are the White man’s equal; without it you are his victim.” Chad was determined that he “wasn’t going to be a victim” of ignorance or Eurocentric textbooks. While knowledge of their tribal histories sustained co-researchers, it is important to note the protective factor of continuing cultural practices. Connection to ancestral land is an essential aspect of Native identity (Bergstrom et al., 2003; Deloria, 1973; Grande, 2008). Regular visits to the reservation to be with family, experience the rural beauty, attend cultural events and watch basketball provided “a rejuvenation” for Alex. Grande 205 (2004) describes the important “restorative process” of Indigenous people withdrawing to their sacred places, without becoming separatists (p. 57). Alex attended powwows regularly with her mom and grandma across the Northern Plains, especially on their Northern Cheyenne reservation. Her mom explained that the 4th of July powwow in Lame Deer is “our time to go celebrate with family and friends,” and Alex was proud of her grandma dancing “in buckskin in 95 degree weather.” Kayla is a powwow dancer and took pride in representing her family, Lincoln High Native American Club and her Crow tribe at school assemblies and powwows. In Native cultures, dancing is a form of prayer and a demonstration of commitment to one’s heritage (Bergstrom et al., 2003). Alex felt herself “perk up” during honor songs and give aways at powwows because she could “relate to other people, where I come from and their success.” Alex also used social media and popular culture to follow Native role models, especially women from her Northern Cheyenne tribe. Alex was affirmed by rap musicians, Lupe Fiasco and Nataanii Means, whose music explores “real things and things that aren’t being talked about and are overlooked.” Even Alex’s choice of clothing, with Native themed sweatshirts and beaded earrings, became a protective factor that she specifically chose on difficult days such as Columbus Day. Gratitude and humor are protective factors nurtured by family and culture. Alex felt grateful to her ancestors “since they risked their lives to come back here.” Chad’s mother nurtured gratitude in him with historical pictures. Her “favorite picture ever,” which she shows to Chad is “an old Native lady with two big bundles of sticks and she’s wobbling from side to side and it’s snowy out.” Chad feels grateful not only for the 206 survival and love of his ancestors, but for modern conveniences, such as his car. Humor is also an attribute of resilient youth, helping them to generate comic relief and find alternate ways of looking at situations (Benard, 1992, p. 3). Kayla shared numerous examples of her family members texting and sharing jokes with her, which sustained her through emotional crises. For example, she kept a photograph of magnetic letters that she found on an aunt’s refrigerator late one night while staying with different family members in the bordertown. The letters spelled “Erbs Kayla,” a colloquial Crow expression, roughly translated as “jokes.” Alex also mentioned her grandma’s playful humor, and enjoying comedy on Youtube, such as a Selena Gomez clip joking about the struggles of Mexican Americans to be accepted in their communities. These examples point to the particular protective factor of Native themed gratitude and humor for urban Indian students. Co-researchers honored their relatives and ancestors by wearing regalia at graduation. All three wore beaded graduation caps and either an eagle feather as a symbol of honor and achievement, or in Alex’s case a turkey feather painted to look like an eagle feather because it is taboo for Cheyenne women to touch eagle feathers. Alex’s beading included a pink color specific to Cheyennes. Kayla mixed the blue beads of her Grandpa Ardy’s “good medicine” with her school colors. The top of her cap also featured a photograph of her beloved Grandpa John Myron who died during her senior year. 207 Summary and Implications of Family and Cultural Protective Factors In their various expressions of Indianness - connecting with sacred landscapes, attending cultural events, traditional powwow dancing, smudging, protesting Eurocentric curriculum, sharing Native-themed rap music, wearing beaded earrings on Columbus Day - co-researchers expressed their ardent desire to remain Indian while accessing the benefits of an urban high school education. These expressions of self and culture need to be carefully considered and accommodated by teachers hoping to create respectful and just schools. Even in urban contexts, American Indian students may be raised by multiple family members who form essential protective factors, as was the case for the co- researchers. These family structures have implications for deciding who can sign school permission slips and who ought to be consulted as family/guardians. Multi-generational, extended families provided emotional protective factors and educational role models for co-researchers. As such, it is important to realize that children have more than four grandparents in the Native worldview, which comes into play with being absent for funerals. Schools might consider placing urban Native students with a relative or friend in classes, where possible, to ease feelings of isolation. One contrasting finding was that families can also hurt their children, although this finding is likely not limited to Native youth. Implications from the findings echo those of Bergstrom et al. (2003) that Native families who support education are often blessed with students who succeed academically. Families who maintain cultural practices and teach children their tribal 208 histories, including genocidal events, reinforce messages of resilience. Tribes and organizations supporting Native youth can consider ways to further support urban Native youth and families who seek cultural connectedness and rejuvenation when visiting their home communities. Another important implication is that schools and teachers need to work in concert with families to make space for protective cultural practices, such as participating the Fort Robinson Spiritual Run or wearing regalia at graduation. Culturally Responsive Pedagogy and IEFA The second research question was: How does CRP, including IEFA, help urban Indian students graduate? Culturally responsive teachers develop caring, sustained relationships with students, maintain high expectations and adapt their teaching to embrace home cultures (Gay, 2010; Klug & Whitfield, 2003; Ladson-Billings, 1995). The inclusion of multiple perspectives and home cultures in both curriculum and pedagogy is key in differentiating culturally responsive teachers from other effective teachers of 21st century learners (Wagner, 2008). Protective Pedagogy and Learning Modalities Given the discussion of American Indian preferred learning modalities and communication styles (Bergstrom et al., 2003; Klug & Whitfield; Philips, 1983), I asked co-researchers about pedagogy that was a protective factor for them. I did so with the assumption that many characteristics of effective teaching, such as caring relationships and high expectations, will engage Native and non-Native students equally. Chad said 209 that identifying aspects of pedagogy that are particularly important for Native students is difficult because “Natives, they’re people too.” Pewewardy (2002) found that American Indian students have a preference for visual, creative, and reflective learning modalities, but also cautioned against generalizations that overlook individual and tribal diversity. McCarty and Lee (2006) also caution against “myths that reduce Native learners to single dimensions” (p. 20). It is not meaningful to generalize based on the three co-researchers in this study, although it is interesting to note the diversity of academic talents and passions in Alex, Kayla and Chad. As examples, Alex and Kayla greatly enjoyed math, whereas Chad loved English and history. Alex took art throughout high school, whereas music was Kayla’s favorite class and Chad loved physical education. One fairly well accepted aspect of preferred learning modalities for American Indians is collaborative rather than competitive and individual learning (Bergstrom et al., 2003; Delpit, 1995; Klug & Whitfield, 2003; Pewewardy, 2002). Collaborative learning was one of the helpful teaching strategies mentioned by Alex because new concepts and challenging assignments were “less intimidating” when peers reinforced concepts for each other. Also, Alex explained, “teaching is a good way to learn.” She gave examples of collaborative learning at Lincoln High across content areas, adding that she believed it helped to develop the “people skills” required in many jobs. In music classes, Kayla benefitted enormously from collaborative learning and the “fun” of “being with the community and the school and band mates” to perform at concerts or pep rallies. She also described the mock Congress conducted in government class as “best final I ever 210 had” because she learned a great deal from “the whole class kind of role playing, like how we were all politicians.” Calls for collaborative learning tasks align with national and state standards as well as college and careers ready skills (MOPI, 2011; Wagner, 2008) Research suggests that American Indian students benefit from having greater control over when they speak and more time for silence (Klug & Whitfield, 2003; Phillips, 1983). Alex and Kayla felt uncomfortable when called upon by teachers, specifically when called on to address IEFA related topics, which will be addressed later in this section. Chad, on the other hand, was a very confident participant in class discussions and debates. He is an example of an urban Native student able to code- switch effectively and adapt to communication patterns used in the urban high school (Klug & Whitfield, 2003), and expressed the wish that other students, especially Natives and other minorities, be confident to speak up. Caring Relationships Caring relationships are particularly important for marginalized students (Anderson et al., 2004; Gay, 2010; Ladson-Billings, 1995). Culturally responsive teachers of American Indian students understand the vital importance of relationality in the Native worldview (Bergstrom et al., 2003; Klug & Whitfield, 2003; Pewewardy, 2002; Wilson, 2008). Caring adults at Lincoln High were a highly significant protective factor for Kayla. Her assistant principal, Mrs. Floyd, established clear expectations while at the same time being “very loving.” Mrs. Floyd provided emotional support, whether Kayla was “in trouble” or “just needed somebody to talk to.” Other teachers made an 211 impression on Kayla with their genuine and caring actions throughout high school; some made a lasting impression when they stepped out of the receiving line at graduation to hug her, and Kayla thought to herself, “Man, that’s what teachers do!” I was another caring adult in Kayla’s life, at first as a teacher with High School 101, then as co-sponsor of Native American Club and her mentor. Kayla explained that I am one of her biggest heroes, with “a gentle hand, a listening ear, a healing touch.” When I told Kayla all the hopes that I have maintained for her education, wellbeing and happiness, she replied, “You do give me hope and always have.” In a situation that I do not suggest is generally replicable, Kayla and I have become family to each other. Native students and teachers can develop familial relationships in educational contexts, with teachers becoming de facto aunts and uncles to Native students (Joseph & Windchief, 2015). Caring adults who become like family to urban Indian students are particularly important protective factors when one considers that in their reservation home communities, family members are typically part of the school community. Kayla commented on the comfort she experienced having relatives working in her reservation elementary school, saying, “You have somebody to run to.” At the end of 11th grade when Kayla transferred back to the reservation, she appreciated one of her grandmas who spoke Crow working as a regular substitute teacher. Alex spoke about caring and effective teachers who set high standards and made achieving them possible. She felt less “overwhelmed or uncomfortable” at Lincoln thanks to a core group of approachable and helpful “MVP” teachers “who believed in me and helped me in their spare time even when they did not have to.” Chad appreciated 212 teachers who were “over the top” in their caring, dedication and respect for individual and cultural diversity. Mrs. Shell was the example who came quickly to Chad’s mind because she “genuinely cares” and communicated to students, including those who were struggling to succeed in school, that she “wants them to have a good life” and she “doesn’t want them to be what society expects them to be.” With such a small selection of students and their teachers, it is important not to overstate implications, but Mrs. Shell is the only teacher mentioned as an “MVP” or an “encouraging influence” by the three co-researchers, and she identifies as American Indian. Multicultural education theorists point to the importance of teacher cohorts reflecting the cultural diversity of students (Banks, 2008; Sleeter & Grant, 2009), and Native teachers have “experience with many of the same issues Native youth now confront on a daily basis” (Bergstrom et al., 2003, p. 171). Teachers from the same communities and cultural backgrounds as their students can more easily access funds of knowledge that make curriculum more engaging and relevant for minority students (Banks, 2008; Michie, 2005; Moll, 1992; Sleeter & Grant, 2009). In her scrapbook, Kayla included a picture of a field trip she took with Mrs. Shell’s class to Chief Plenty Coups State Park on the Crow reservation. Alex talked about a research project she did in Mrs. Shell’s class on her Northern Cheyenne heritage. Chad recalled Mrs. Shell’s class as a safe space to share Native perspectives in class discussions, such as the sacredness of the Bighorn Mountains to Crow tribal members. 213 High Expectations Another quality of culturally responsive teachers is a belief in the academic ability of students from diverse cultural backgrounds (Gay, 2010; Klug & Whitfield, 2003; Ladson-Billings, 1995). For Kayla, “the routine every day when I was at school” provided a protective environment, especially during periods of homelessness, as long as she was not held accountable for other family members or conditions beyond her control outside of school. Culturally responsive teachers care for students by maintaining high expectations within the context of genuinely warm and respectful relationships. Chad appreciated the high standards set by his credit recovery teacher who “really helped” and “was hard on us,” ensuring that Chad and others recovered the credits they needed for graduation. High expectations are an important aspect of CRP because successful mastery of academic content gives minority students access to the language of economic success (Delpit, 1995). Alex appreciated expectations of academic rigor, including lengthy research assignments in English and social studies, as well as the advanced math classes she took. In Miss Hugs’ math class, Alex appreciated quality over quantity in well crafted homework questions that effectively prepared her for tests. She also benefitted from being able to redo assignment items and make presentations to demonstrate learning for final assessments. Assessment techniques that increase chances of all students to succeed are examples of equity pedagogy, one aspect of Banks’ (2008) multicultural education paradigm. Kayla “always liked big assignments” in English and social students, “taking time out to research.” These findings concurred with calls for 214 more inquiry based approaches and more writing in high school, rather than passively learning facts (MOPI, 2011; Wagner, 2008) Co-researchers also appreciated rigor in non-core classes, including, the real world learning and rich tasks involved in field trips. Alex was inspired by her overseas travel experiences with Spanish classes, and Kayla’s band trip to Universal Studios and Disneyland was a highlight from her high school years. Kayla was inspired to improve her attendance and grades so that she would be eligible to participate in the band trip and be part of Grammy winning music performances. Out of state and international trips created new border-crossings and experiences of worlds previously unknown to co- researchers. Alex was inspired by challenging art assignments. Chad’s gym teachers pushed and encouraged him to achieve a level of fitness and health that had benefits for his studies and general wellbeing. He particularly appreciated how Coach Burnett maintained high expectations while making progress and success possible. Importantly, Coach had developed a relationship with Chad; he knew that Chad was traveling daily from the reservation and that Chad’s father had been shot in a hunting accident. Coach occasionally made accommodations for punctuality, but still pushed Chad to achieve in class. Chad explained, Coach knew that “I had it in me not to be this chubby, lazy kid that doesn’t know how to work out.” Welcoming Diverse Perspectives and Home Cultures Montana teachers are legally required to implement IEFA, honoring “the distinct and unique cultural heritage of the American Indians” (Montana Constitution, 1972) within their pedagogy in a culturally responsive manner. Culturally responsive teachers 215 at multicultural urban high schools like Lincoln face interesting challenges because Lincoln’s American Indian students make up approximately 10% of the student population, come from many different tribes and range from traditional to assimilated (See critical definitions). Ten percent of Lincoln’s student population is also Hispanic, and smaller percentages come from other minorities (See Table 3). Even at schools with few or no American Indian students, IEFA is important in reducing misinformation and stereotypes about the first Montanans. Culturally responsive teachers at Lincoln High seeking to embrace students’ home cultures and languages need to consider content selection relevant to various tribal nations, Hispanic and other minorities. My Crow and Northern Cheyenne co-researchers appreciated IEFA within the broader context of multicultural education. Alex, Kayla and Chad chose to graduate from a “diverse” urban high school. They wanted to access new opportunities and learn about different cultures and histories without compromising their own cultural identities. Alex and Chad both talked about African American history, which Chad esteemed as a parallel struggle for survival and social justice to that of Native Americans. Alex recalled learning about Chicano civil rights in history and took four years of Spanish. She enjoyed trips to Spain and Costa Rica, learning about language, culture, art and history. Chad, a Crow tribal member, learned “many interesting lessons” about Blackfeet history and culture reading Fools Crow, and Kayla was fascinated to learn about the Cherokee forced removal through a musical performance with band class. Alex saw IEFA as an “important” way to “stop more ignorance” about Native peoples and perspectives. Chad enjoyed Native literature selections in each of his 216 English classes by authors including Velma Wallis, Sherman Alexie, Michael Dorris and James Welch. Engaging contemporary texts appealed to co-researchers as an effective way of infusing IEFA and address IEFA’s Essential Understanding #3 (MOPI, 2011) that the ideologies of American Indians persist into modern day life. Chad recommended the film Older Than America as an engaging text based on the Boarding School Era, and this film was one that Alex enjoyed watching with her 12th grade English class. The IEFA text that co-researchers spoke most positively about was Sherman Alexie’s novel, The Absolutely True Diary of a Part-Time Indian, about 14 year old Junior Spirit, a Spokane Indian who decides to go to school in a White bordertown. Kayla related to many of the protagonist’s challenges and to his resilience and hope. She believed that True Diary “helped a lot for people to understand ... probably teachers too.” Popular texts by Native authors like True Diary helped to achieve the twin goals of IEFA: (1) to affirm the identity of Native students and (2) to dispel ignorance and misconceptions among non- Natives (Carjuzaa, 2010). Chad adamantly believed that True Diary is “the most representative book” in dealing with contemporary Native issues, and that it sheds light on historical trauma by showing that the “the way things are” in Indian Country is often the result of federal policies “other people inflicted upon them.” Defending True Diary’s place in the curriculum became a profound social justice action (Banks, 2008; Sleeter & Grant, 2009) for Chad, lifting him out of a “gloominess” and serving as a highlight of his high school career. IEFA is intended to be infused throughout content areas. One recommendation for the arts is infusion through “regular art instruction rather than as a separate cultural 217 study” (Elser, 2010, p. 19). Kalya had a meaningful experience of IEFA in band class where her teacher chose the composition “Trail of Tears” by James Barnes Chance for a concert performance. Kayla’s teacher was surprised that Kayla had not previously learned the tragic story of Cherokee forced removal, but also had established a caring and respectful relationship so that Kayla felt comfortable to request that she be allowed to read the contextual history before playing the piece at a concert. Alex’s Spanish teacher effectively infused IEFA with a study of traditional Mexican tales, for example the Llorona, during which she invited comparisons to traditional Native stories. IEFA was not always experienced as a protective factor by co-researchers. Part of the discomfort that Kayla occasionally experienced with IEFA resulted from awareness that it was “required for everybody.” Alex was also aware that some students felt that IEFA was “shoved down their throats.” Resentment of this nature can be viewed as a consequence of “the continued efforts to teach Eurocentric paradigms” (San Pedro, 2015, p. 135), whereby Shakespeare is part of the accepted literary canon, for example, but Native authors are not. Alex appreciated opportunities to learn about Native cultures and perspectives, but the extent to which it was “fun” depended on “the willingness of your classmates.” Alex explained that classmates or teachers sometimes asked “naive” or “stereotypical” questions, especially when an IEFA related topic or text was initially introduced. She felt uncomfortable when some teachers would “assume you’re an expert.” Similarly, Kayla “didn’t like getting questioned” by teachers on IEFA related topics. Kayla explained, “I don’t know everything and there’s different types of Natives.” 218 In spite of feeling awkward when occasionally singled out or asked to be a spokesperson on Native issues, co-researchers felt more protected by IEFA than annoyed or harmed. After graduation, Alex went to college in Colorado, where she felt “more isolated since their schools didn’t really talk about Natives.” Kayla said that including Native perspective in the curriculum and hallways “just seemed right. It felt good being recognized. Everybody else was recognized.” Alex understood that her mostly non-Native teachers struggled “to know the culture” because they “know bits and pieces, not how things really relate to each other.” She also understood that in a crowded curriculum, teachers “don’t have time to go into detail.” Inviting guest presenters is one way that teachers can effectively implement IEFA as they develop their own knowledge of Montana tribes. During a business studies seminar, Alex was inspired to hear a Northern Cheyenne journalist and small business owner’s presentation about her independent newspaper, A Cheyenne Voice, through which she sought “to support or honor Northern Cheyennes.” Guest presenters add “authentic voices of people of color” (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995, p. 57) to mostly White teaching cohorts. American Indian cultural presenters are also a recommended strategy for culturally responsive pedagogy with American Indian students (Klug & Whitfield, 2003) and authentic infusion of IEFA (Carjuzaa, 2012; Elser, 2010). Lincoln High’s business studies teachers used an additive approach (Banks, 2008) to their curriculum in inviting American Indian business leaders. Although multicultural education aims for transformational approaches (Banks, 2008; Sleeter & Grant, 2009), the incorporation of authentic and interesting presenters made this a positive learning 219 experience. Benefits of this IEFA presentation extended to Alex’s mother when an article about Alex’s academic achievements was published in A Cheyenne Voice. A number of culturally responsive teachers at Lincoln High were able to welcome home cultures in the classroom, despite the challenges of acquiring tribally specific knowledge. Chad appreciated when his history teacher, who grew up on the reservation, would share a few words of Crow with the class, and English teachers would share their developing knowledge about Native tribes, such as the “matriarchal and monotheistic” qualities of Crow society. Alex spoke with enthusiasm about assignments where she could explore her Northern Cheyenne culture and history, such as a PowerPoint for 10th grade English and World History. Choice in assignment topics allows students from diverse cultural backgrounds to bring their interests into the curriculum. In conjunction with reading The Absolutely True Diary of a Part-Time Indian, Alex’s 10th grade teacher asked students to research their own cultural background, or “where I’m from.” Alex’s research included interviewing her grandmother and taking pictures of historical sites on the reservation to include in her PowerPoint to the class. This assignment allowed all students to reflect on their own cultural lens. It also allowed students and the teacher to learn about the cultures of others, which matters because “Even without our being consciously aware of it, culture determines how we think, believe, and behave, and in turn, affect how we teach and learn” (Gay, 2010, p. 9). Alex’s art assignments allowed for expression of her cultural identity, such as the collage of a white buffalo, based on her Indian name. Chad enjoyed sharing about the Crow clan system when given choice in a technology class assignment. 220 Civic discourse is an important skill required of 21st century learners (MOPI, 2011; Wagner, 2008). Banks (2008) and Freire (1970) advocate for dialog on issues of importance in learners’ lives, so that students can examine different types of knowledge and their own perspectives. Chad appreciated being able to “look at things from different angles” in open class debates. He especially appreciated the safe space provided by his psychology class, which he describes as “one place I could go and talk about my train of thought and how I perceive things.” Chad “loved” how many of his teachers made “the classroom a fun place” and helped students “learn how to learn.” The ability to establish a respectful classroom community and safe space for civic discourse is a multi-step, ongoing and intentional process for culturally responsive teachers (Gay, 2010; Klug & Whitfield, 2003). Kayla alluded to the importance of a respectful and safe classroom environment when she mentioned that her comfort level discussing IEFA topics depended on “who’s talking.” Alex’s government teacher made space for students’ voices when he invited them to share a text of their own choosing as a “Write Into the Day.” Alex was able to share Lupe Fiasco’s song lyrics to express her view of federal Indian policy in the hope of making classmates “want to look more into things.” Empowering School Culture The goals of multicultural education and culturally responsive teaching extend beyond the classroom to an empowering school culture (Banks, 2008). We must pay attention to the hidden curriculum, including “the kinds of pictures on the bulletin boards” and the celebrations of ethnic, cultural and language diversity (Banks, 2008, p. 43). One of IEFA’s goals is to affirm the identity of Native students in the curriculum 221 and in the hallways of their schools (Carjuzaa, 2010). Schoolwide affirmations of Native culture at Lincoln High were highly valued as protective factors by co-researchers. Alex appreciated Native American guest speakers at the library Lunch & Learns, as well as Indian taco sales and bulletin board displays with information about Montana tribes. Many of these school wide events were suggested or organized by Alex and other members of Native American Club. Kayla and Chad included pictures in their scrapbook of banners in the Lincoln High halls displaying student poetry that affirmed diversity, for example, “I am from Crow beadwork, patterns and colors of the tribe.” Kayla was proud to dress in her traditional Crow style elk tooth dress and parade or dance at school pep assemblies and district powwows. Teachers and students admired and praised her. At assemblies, Alex explained that other students “got to see a little bit of dancing” even if they were unlikely to ever attend a powwow, and such occasions made her feel “less isolated.” She appreciated “seeing non-Natives get excited,” without the resentment that sometimes accompanied curriculum content. Chad was proud to sit in the audience during cultural performances at assemblies, thinking “Wow! We’re still out here, kicking it!” Lincoln High School’s affirmation of diversity including Native cultures, in assemblies, school wide events and public displays, contrasts with another Montana urban high school where Indian voices were “relegated to the multicultural education center” and therefore “cannot be heard by the larger school community” (De La Mare, 2010, p. 255). A caring school community interfaced with a caring Sapphire school district community during a challenge mounted by a group of parents against Sherman Alexie’s 222 The Absolutely True Diary of a Part-Time Indian. When Chad gathered support for True Diary to remain in the Sapphire English curriculum, he spoke to an Indian Education family night. He experienced protective factors by “knowing that there’s people that care in general.” Social justice teachers educate students to develop critical minds, engage in society and affect their communities (Michie, 2005), and Chad was encouraged by several of his teachers who incorporated aspects of his activism into his class work and assignments. He received positive coverage about his activism in local and national media, and was recognized by Lincoln High administrators and the Sapphire chapter of a Native American advocacy group. Ultimately, the Sapphire school district became a protective factor for Chad and other Native youth who valued Alexie’s novel when the school board unanimously voted to retain True Diary in the curriculum. Another example of a caring and empowering culture was when the Sapphire school district named a new school after a Crow chief who was also a decorated war hero, a scholar and tribal historian. This heroic role model happened to be one of Kayla’s grandpas, and she explained, “That was cool to be there for the groundbreaking.” Naming the school provided another protective factor for Kayla when she was struggling to complete all her graduation requirements and also affirmed the culture of Native students and families in general. Summary and Implications of Culturally Responsive Teaching and IEFA The three co-researchers in this study demonstrated a range of talents and preferred learning modalities, although collaborative learning was a protective factor for all of them. Findings support the importance of teachers actively and persistently caring 223 for students (Gay, 2010; Klug & Whitfield, 2003; Ladson-Billings, 1995). Caring relationships combined with high expectations and rich, real-world learning experiences were important protective factors. Multicultural curriculum content was appreciated by co-researchers and culturally responsive infusion of IEFA in English, social studies, the arts and other non-core classes was a protective factor. White teachers with a “sincere and sustained commitment to putting one’s self in the role of learner” (Michie, 2005, p. 187) can be effective teachers for students of color who have been historically marginalized. Many of Lincoln High’s mostly non-Native teachers effectively incorporated IFEA, according to co-researchers. Effective strategies included literature selections by Native authors, especially contemporary texts. Other examples of protective pedagogy included American Indian guest presenters, allowing students to choose their assignment topics and making space for student voices in classrooms. Culturally responsive teachers encouraged all students to reflect on their own cultural lenses and engage respectfully in civic discourse and dialogic approaches to learning. IEFA was not a protective factor for two of the co- researchers if they were called on to be cultural experts. Celebrating diversity, including Native cultures, in the hallways and school wide events was another important protective factor that helped urban Native students feel less isolated and recognized in positive ways. Findings suggest the importance of recruiting and retaining more American Indian teachers who have lived experiences that increase their understanding of challenges faced by Native students in urban schools and have greater access to funds of knowledge that 224 enhance IEFA implementation. Continued professional development and resources for culturally responsive IEFA implementation are also recommended to maintain and develop the protective factors of CRP. Given that knowledge about Native history was a protective factor that came from families and cultural sources beyond US history classrooms for co-researchers in this study, more professional development is recommended on the praxis of culturally responsive American history education, especially teaching sensitive topics such as Manifest Destiny from multiple historical perspectives. Co-researchers’ desire for culturally specific knowledge suggests the value of investigating options and feasibility for offering Indigenous knowledge and language programs (Brayboy & Maaka, 2015; Grande, 2004; McCarty & Lee, 2014). School and District Programs The third research question was: How do district and school based programs (e.g. grant funded counselor positions for American Indian students, mentoring, tutoring, online credit recovery classes, summer camps, Native American Clubs, college visits) provide further protective factors and contribute to the graduation of urban Indian students? Many of the programs cited as protective factors by co-researchers were aimed at creating culturally inclusive and responsive spaces within the school, and thus can be viewed as an extension of the previous section on CRP. Programs for an Empowering School Culture One protective factor, credit recovery programs, fell under the category of school district programs that were available to all students. Equity pedagogy requires 225 restructuring the school so that “students from all groups will have an equal opportunity for success” (Banks, 2008, p. 41). Chad and Kayla both recovered credits in summer school at the end of their 9th grade year. Kayla’s schedule included a credit recovery class within her school day during senior year. Chad’s schedule included credit recovery in his last two years of school. He also took an extra class before school in his senior year and was able to earn another elective credit from his part time job. In another school based program available to all students, Kayla was able to access emergency financial support. Mrs. Floyd, her assistant principal coordinated a gift card program, which provided between $100 and $200 for homeless students and those in financial hardship, thus removing some barriers to school attendance. Kayla appreciated the caring gesture as well as the material support as she recalled, “She’d help me with gas cards. I was like, ‘Oh my gosh. You guys do this kind of stuff?’” Programs Celebrating Native Culture in the School and District Co-researchers identified a number of school and district Native cultural programs that were protective factors. Most were coordinated by the Sapphire school district’s Indian Education department. Grant funded counselors for American Indian students at Lincoln and other high schools in Sapphire coordinated Native American Clubs, family nights, tutoring and a range of services for Native students and their families. Bergstrom et al. (2003) also reported on the protective factor of American Indian education counselors and tutors. When Kayla and Alex were in 10th grade and Chad was in 11th grade, my role as an Indian Education academic coach based at Lincoln High also came under the Indian Education department. Alex’s mom explained that Indian Education 226 staff “were a big part” of keeping Alex going, “from the school perspective.” Chad expressed appreciation of Indian Education personnel, saying, “We have the Native American help. We have the Native American Club. We have all these resources.” Sapphire’s Indian Education department erected tipis at many schools. Kayla recalled that she was in middle school when they first erected a tipi, which was “kind of cool.” After that, she and her family members enjoyed “seeing more and more come up” throughout high school, and also enjoyed noticing tribal diversity, such as an obviously Blackfeet style tipi. Alex described the tipis as a “prominent” and positive representation of culture. Alex’s mom appreciated Indian Education department events designed to bring families and community together in support of their children’s education. Attending family nights and the school district powwows helped Alex’s mom “to be at ease and actually meet people in this area that all had the same goal as us, to graduate.” Positive connections between Native families and urban high schools are extremely important, especially given the mistrust created by forced assimilation policies in education (Lomawaima & McCarty, 2006; Reyhner & Singh, 2010). When Alex was president of Lincoln High’s Native American Club, she helped to organize aspects of the Sapphire “Honoring Our Youth” annual powwow, which was attended by Native students, their families, some teachers and community members from Sapphire and neighboring reservations. Native cultural clubs that bring students together and foster leadership provide important protective factors, especially in public schools where Native students are a minority (Bergstrom et al., 2003; Rogers & McLendon, 2015). Alex was heavily 227 involved in Native American Club at Lincoln High, and saw Club as a way for Native students to “feel more comfortable” settling into high school because “it’s intimidating, your freshman year to join clubs.” While organizing and participating in a range of cultural activities, such as celebrating holidays, beading, and playing traditional Native games, club members could make friends, joke and feel more involved with the school community. Alex’s mom commented, “Alex used the Indian Club in high school and became a big part of it. And that helped.” Kayla also remembered Club providing a sense of community and fun with friends who would “would get so excited” about bake sales and other activities. In Club activities, Kayla valued “being reminded, because I forgot a lot of things about my own culture.” When she was the 10th grade student representative in Native American Club, Kayla enjoyed dancing at the university powwow, and parading at the Celebrate Lincoln pep assembly. She explained, “It helped me appreciate more who I am too.” When cultural clubs provide opportunities for urban Indian students to practice culture in meaningful ways, they engage in Culturally Sustaining/Revitalizing Pedagogy (McCarty & Lee, 2014). Native students in the audience like Chad were affirmed by the positive reactions of teachers and students because “It helps everybody to know we still have culture.” Achievement Programs: Continuum from Assimilative to Transformative Kayla and Alex both enrolled in the first cohort of High School 101. Sapphire’s Indian Education department developed the curriculum for this two week class, designed to ease the transition from middle to high school for American Indian students. Alex’s mom appreciated High School 101 as a means to prepare Alex and others “before going 228 into a big school.” Alex benefitted from the college visits and career research project, which influenced her choice of statistics for her college major. High School 101 included a “pledge to graduate” from Montana OPI’s Graduation Matters program in the closing ceremony. This pledge was witnessed by family and friends, and was very influential for Kayla who was concerned about her ability to keep her word, but saw it as “something to look forward to.” Alex and Kayla both appreciated the affirmation of Native culture in High School 101. Alex remembered “getting 100% on that tribe and reservation quiz” and Kayla enjoyed “seeing everybody else that’s Native.” She was proud to dance in her elk tooth dress for the closing, and included in her scrapbook a photograph of herself in regalia before the ceremony. High School 101 bears similarities to Third Space summer programs (Gutierrez, 2008) based on the theories of Bhabha (1994) in creating empowering educational spaces that rearticulate aspects of mainstream education with significant aspects of Native cultural content, but more information is needed to understand the goals and pedagogy of this program. In 2010, teachers at Lincoln High developed a mentoring program for American Indian students, particularly those failing two or more classes (McCarthy 2015). Like other mentor programs (Anderson et al., 2004; Holt et al., 2008; Johnson & Lampley, 2010), the American Indian mentor program at Lincoln High matched underserved students with a caring adult in mutually acceptable pairs. Chad remembered his mentor for 9th and 10th grade, Ms. Ferry, talking to him about school and asking him why he was struggling in some classes. He appreciated her reminders and invitations to “work on this project after school.” Kayla sometimes disliked the routine of checking grades 229 because it entailed “being reminded of my stuff.” However, she attended the luncheons held for mentors and mentees each semester and always appreciated “having somebody there to talk to or be close to.” Mentors helped Native students to code switch (Klug & Whitfield, 2003) when they reminded mentees about keeping up with expectations in the urban high school setting. The main focus of Lincoln High’s mentor program was developing caring relationships. Chad recalled Ms. Ferry chatting with him about “family life and how things were going.” Kayla’s English teacher was her mentor in 9th grade, and I mentored her for 10th and 12th grades. Kayla said that she appreciated all that her mentors did for her, “even down to having coffee.” We kept in contact when she transferred to the bordertown school and the reservation school for 11th grade. As discussed earlier in this chapter, our relationship developed into a family bond. The mentor program aimed to provide culturally responsive advocates who would develop caring relationships, as well as encourage mentees to meet academic standards. When mentors formed sustained, trusting relationships with mentees, reached out to family members and learned about “home reservations, tribes and some words in Native languages” (McCarthy, 2015), the program moved on a continuum from being assimilative in nature to more transformative. Natural mentor relationships, ones which occur between a youth and an extended family member, coach, teacher or other caring adult outside of formal programs (Smith et al., 2015), can also provide protective factors for youth (Rogers & McClendon, 2015; Smith et al., 2015). Many natural mentoring relationships were reported by co-researchers in the sections on family and CRP. The mentor program was Lincoln High’s grassroots 230 effort at providing targeted opportunities for Native students to match up with a caring adult. Homework Help, the after school tutoring program at Lincoln, developed from suggestions of the mentors and was funded by Sapphire’s Indian Education program four days per week by the time the co-researchers were in 10th and 11th grade. Kayla and Chad utilized Homework Help to a certain extent and appreciated it as part of the services and protective factors available to Native students and others. Alex greatly appreciated Homework Help as a significant protective factor while she worked hard to maintain excellent grades. It helped her to be able to “rely on other people to help you instead of figuring it out yourself.” She also appreciated when “friends went to Homework Help too.” Like AVID (Hubbard & Ottoson, 1997) and GEAR UP (US Department of Education, 2008), Homework Help provided resources and opportunities within the educational status quo for underserved students to meet their academic goals. Indigenous Scholars of Promise (ISP), the selective mentoring program for college bound American Indian students, was another protective factor for Alex during her last two years of school. Funded by Hopa Mountain, a nonprofit organization, ISP creates a college-going culture for participants, which Brayboy and Maaka (2015) argue is crucial for Indigenous students. ISP offered information about college applications and scholarships to students and their families in monthly meetings and retreats, which Alex’s mom found “really helpful.” Students like Alex came together with role models “who’ve been to college and there’s panels where you can ask questions.” After mixing with other college bound Native students and graduates, Alex “felt less intimidated” mixing with 231 non-Native valedictorians in her classes. Like High School 101, ISP provided a protective and empowering Third Space (Bhabha, 1994; Gutierrez, 2008), blending cultural affirmation and academic skills in an effective transitional program. Alex was pleased to think of herself as a “trailblazer,” being the first urban Native in ISP. Summary and Implications of School and District Programs A number of programs at Lincoln High added to an empowering school culture by providing multiple opportunities for all students to succeed. Credit recovery programs made on-time graduation possible for Chad and Kayla. Kayla also appreciated gift cards that Lincoln High administrators and the community provided for all students in need. The Indian Education department of Sapphire school district coordinated a number of school based (e.g. family nights) and district wide (e.g. powwow) programs aimed at connecting students, families and educators in positive relationships. School based Indian Education personnel coordinated Native American Clubs. Alex, Kayla and Chad appreciated the culturally sustaining and revitalizing activities of Native American Club. These programs provided significant protective factors for all three co-researchers. The mentor program had a mildly positive effect on Chad. For Kayla, it instigated the powerful protective factor of her relationship with me. Homework Help was a significant protective factor for Alex in her pursuit of academic excellence, even though it was largely assimilative in nature, helping students meet expectations of mainstream education. High School 101 and the nonprofit funded Indigenous Scholars of Promise were more transformative achievement programs, using Third Space (Bhabha, 1994) 232 approaches to infuse Native content and affirm students’ cultural identities. Both programs helped Native students transition confidently in and beyond high school. With evidence of no harm and an array of protective factors resulting from these programs, it makes sense to support and encourage their continuation, especially as individual students are free to access only programs that meet their needs. Further research is needed to understand the goals and outcomes of these programs, especially High School 101 and ISP. Lincoln High’s mentor program provides protective factors by providing Native students the opportunity to form a relationship with a caring adult in the school, who might also assist their Native mentee in code-switching. To the extent that mentors are culturally responsive, learning about and affirming students’ home cultures, reaching out to Native families and adapting their own teaching as a result of their mentoring relationships, the mentoring program is somewhat transformative. Training for mentors on culturally responsive approaches is recommended to maximize benefits from this program. Methodological Implications for Teachers and Researchers Relationships, Time and Comfort Case study interview data in this research was enhanced by the CBPR orientation (Israel et al., 1998; Stanton, 2012), such as efforts to establish a level of comfort by sharing meals and taking time. I learned so much from listening to the stories of Alex, Kayla and Chad, including situations that occurred while I was their teacher, Native American Club sponsor and academic coach. Taking time, reflecting on my motives, my 233 cultural lens, the way I asked questions, my biases ... I believe all of this was vital in honoring the stories of my co-researchers. A promising direction for researchers and teachers is welcoming thinking partners when working with Native and minority youth. Although Kayla had a trusting relationship with me and had lived at my house prior to this start of this study, she asked if she could bring a cousin to the first interview. Kayla’s cousin was a helpful thinking partner, especially while talking about her 11th grade year when Kayla transferred to the bordertown school and then the reservation school. Her cousin attended the reservation school and had recollections of that rather chaotic year in Kayla’s life. Chad also asked to bring his cousin and close friend, Tyus, to all three interviews and two of the scrapbooking sessions. Tyus was a great help with the time consuming scrapbooking work. He and Chad are very close, so Tyus also was an excellent thinking partner. Alex did not ask about bringing a friend or relative to the interviews, but she did express some anxiety about answering questions for the research. Using her journal, she asked me the following question after the first interview. It feels a little weird or intimidating, me contributing to the research instead of finding it like I’m used to… Are you going to support your research with other sources? I’m kind of nervous about forgetting or overlooking something that was a key factor. It is possible that a thinking partner reduces the anxiety associated with research and creates a more comfortable basis for power sharing, even when there are long standing and trusting relationships between the researcher and co-researchers. In the absence of a thinking partner, using journaling between co-researchers can provide a space to discuss challenging topics and process ideas. 234 This study affected me profoundly on a professional and personal level. I regarded it as a sign of successful CBPR when co-researchers suggested topics and asked me questions. At the end of our third interview, Kayla asked me, “What did you see?” and what “helping” her meant to me. I replied, in part: Being able to walk alongside you has been the thing I’ve learned the most from in my professional life. When I step into that middle space as your mentor and advocate or caring adult in your life, I can feel the Indian time and I can feel the school clock, and I’m standing in the middle with you thinking, “This is really hard to juggle these things.” … I see the love of family and I see the struggle for some people dealing with addiction or I see the responsibility of raising your nieces and nephews…It’s been really helpful to me as a professional to kind of experience it by being your other mom. My invitations to co-researchers were informed by decolonizing methodologies (Smith, 2012; Wilson, 2008) and the accountability that I have to ongoing, caring relationships with Alex, Kayla, Chad and their families. One unexpected consequence was Kayla’s request to move back into my home, which is working well for us at the time of writing. Another example of ongoing accountability has been reporting back to Alex about the positive effect on teachers when I used the song she shared with me pertaining to federal Indian policy, Lupe Fiasco’s “Unforgivable Youth,” in my IEFA coaching role. Alex texted me, “You’re enlightening people.” I replied, “You’re helping me enlighten people,” which she thought was “really cool.” Scrapbooking Aspects of methodology used in this research offer directions for teachers and researchers. Scrapbooking with youth was time consuming and added expense, but it was a successful and extremely rewarding aspect of the study for all co-researchers. The 235 time spent gathering and discussing images and working together on the craft project provided time to develop our relationships. It allowed complex issues from the interviews time to breathe. Through scrapbooking, we switched focus and had time to ponder protective factors in nonverbal ways, which give youth agency and voice (Delgado, 2015), thereby enriching the following interview sessions. The scrapbooks and interviews informed and enriched each other. Scrapbooking helped to achieve the Indigenous research goals of being useful, friendly and just (Smith, 2012). Each scrapbook is a beautiful example of survivance (Vizenor, 1995) which Grande (2004) proposes as a respectful, strengths-based approach to decolonizing methodology. Looking through her scrapbook during our final interview, Kayla discussed its healing and transformational effect, saying, “It was hard to find joy in the memories. And this scrapbook helps me even now, seeing all the positive even though I thought it was the worst years.” Focusing on her own resilience, achievements and protective factors also positively impacted Alex. Her grandma told me that Alex was eager to share her scrapbook with family members and friends. Scrapbooking was therapeutic for both Alex and Kayla at very difficult periods in their lives. Chad was affirmed by seeing his ability to create powerful messages through his scrapbook, particularly relating to his heritage. Smith (2012) encourages methodologies in which Indigenous people participate in the creative act of research. While looking at the page with pictures of his Grandpa Tex, Chief Plenty Coups and a Native girl representing all Native women, Chad said, “I like this a lot because there’s so much connected inside of this page. This is my favorite page.” Chad also reflected on the scrapbook page titled 236 Perspectives on History which provided the opportunity to voice his critical literacy (San Pedro, 2015) of Westward Expansion that was shut down in class. I feel very good about myself and my confidence knowing that I can create something that spits more truth than a teacher at some high school teaching kids a lie. I guess myself is my own protective factor in this page. Conclusion The protective factors encompassed in the research questions were largely shown to be significant and positive for Alex, Kayla and Chad. Co-researchers provided abundant story examples and scrapbook images testifying to the inspirational examples of family and culture. Messages of resilience came from chiefs, elders and family members. Resilience and determination were also fostered by the knowledge of painful chapters in colonization history. Love and care from extended, multi-generational families was a significant protective factor, although one co-researcher mentioned the potential of family members to also harm each other. Culture was maintained by visiting the reservation and by participating in ceremonies, memorials and powwows. These activities “rejuvenated” youth, allowing them to protect their cultural identity as enrolled tribal members crossing cultural spaces. Obligations to previous and future generations informed co-researchers’ choices to live well and graduate from an urban high school. Culturally Responsive Pedagogy was also a significant protective factor for co- researchers. They shared heart warming stories about the majority of their teachers believing in them, pushing them to succeed and giving generously of their time to tutor, mentor, listen, encourage and provide powerful learning opportunities. The celebration 237 of cultural diversity at Lincoln High was cited as a protective factor for Alex, Chad and Kayla. Often, but not always, they were protected by supportive classroom environments where diverse opinions were welcomed in a respectful atmosphere on a range of topics including and beyond issues related to Native culture. Overall, IEFA was a protective factor in the experience of co-researchers. Discomfort sometimes accompanied the introduction of topics, resistance from other students or being called on as cultural experts. However, there were many more examples of the protective factor of Native literature selections, guest speakers, Native themed musical performances and art assignments. Co-researchers appreciated being able to choose assignment topics to research and present. Such opportunities allowed them to learn more about and reflect on the importance of their own cultures, and also share their knowledge and perspectives with teachers and classmates. Representations of culture in the hallways and at assemblies were praised by co-researchers and provided examples of an empowering school culture. A number of school and district programs, mostly funded by Montana’s Office of Public Instruction and federal grants, facilitated culturally responsive pedagogy and an empowering culture throughout the school and district. Co-researchers saw these programs as protective factors: school based counselor positions, a summer program preparing American Indian students for High School, a school based mentoring program for American Indian students, a non-profit funded, selective mentoring program for college bound students, Native American Club, and homework tutoring. Some protective factors were provided by programs available to all students regardless of their cultural 238 background, such as credit recovery programs and the gift card program for Lincoln High students in need, which was funded by community donations. Some programs worked to make the school a more empowering and culturally responsive space, bringing families and educators together in supportive and celebratory environments. Others up-skilled Native students, helping them to code switch and navigate the mainstream educational environment. Another protective factor beyond the scope of the research questions, and arguably beyond the control of teachers and policy makers, was the drive of these three urban Native students. Before finishing middle school, Alex made the exceptional choice to maintain excellent grades and attendance throughout high school, while taking advanced math classes and four years of Spanish. I asked about the source of her tenacity or turning points that might have triggered this, but I had to accept that Alex’s drive is not easily explained. Kayla chose sobriety and a return to Sapphire as a result of the devotion she felt when her niece was born, even though that meant finding accommodation and meeting more rigorous academic expectations. Chad also chose the harder road after two years of limited academic success early in high school, followed by his dad’s hunting accident and financial crisis. He insisted on staying at Lincoln and “busting in gear.” Each co-researcher identified a point where they actively turned things around for themselves, similar to the findings of Bergstrom et al. (2003), and then followed through on their choice to be border-crossers. Alex, Kayla and Chad are “miracle survivors” (HeavyRunner & DeCelles, 2003) as members of tribal nations who have survived genocidal acts and policies, and continue to resist the encroachment of 239 colonization and assimilation (Brayboy, 2005; Grande, 2004). They maintained their cultural identity and practices while adding to the culturally diverse fabric of a good urban high school, protected by their families, ancestors and culturally responsive educators who became their “MVPs” and “heroes.” Alex, Kayla and Chad are my heroes, and I am confident that I am not the only teacher who was inspired by them. Methodological lessons from this research support the importance and effectiveness of using decolonizing methodologies and CBPR in research with Native youth, drawing on trusting relationships and working to maintain that trust with respectful and useful research. Scrapbooking is a promising visual methodology that effectively captured survivance stories for young co-researchers and enhanced interview data. Grande (2004) shares a dream “that indigenous and nonindigenous peoples will work in solidarity to envision a way of life free of exploitation and replete with spirit” (p. 176). 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Boston, MA: Cenage Learning. 249 APPENDICES 250 APPENDIX A INTERVIEW PROTOCOL 251 Interview 1 1. When you think about your family and friends, how did they help to keep you on the path towards graduation? 2. When you think about your high school years, is there anything you want to share about support and positive messages from your culture? (Family members, Crow fair, 4th of July, sweats, elders, family, eagle feather at graduation) 3. Tell me about teachers who positively impacted you. What do you remember about them? What kinds of things did they say and do? Interview 2 1. What were your favorite/most inspiring classes, projects, or activities? 2. What do remember about Native content in the curriculum, class discussions or projects? 3. How was your experience of summer school/high school 101/ Homework/ Band Help/Indigenous Scholars of Promise etc. 4. Did teachers or others at school show understanding and respect for your situation, your family and culture? How was that for you? Interview 3 1. Overall, what were the biggest struggles? What kept you going? 2. Who were your role models? 3. Thinking about high school and how things were, how they turned out, do you have any questions you would like to ask me? As a teacher, a mentor, a person? 4. Is there anything else you want to share, maybe a story or a memory that came to mind as we were making the scrapbook or talking about high school? Family Focus Group 1. How important was it for you and your family that name graduated from high school? 2. High school years are not always easy, and urban high schools can be challenging environments for American Indian students. Can you share any stories of how family and culture helped to protect name throughout those high school years? 3. Are there teachers, counselors, or other school district personnel who offered special encouragement for name? Can you talk a bit about what they did? 4. Were you aware of Native culture being included in name’s schooling here in Sapphire? Can you talk about that, and any influence that had on name. 5. Sometimes there are certain programs to help students achieve, like credit recovery/summer school/mentoring etc. How much did any of these programs contribute to name’s success in school? 6. Is there anything else you want to share, maybe a story or a memory? 252 APPENDIX B INFORMED CONSENT 253 SUBJECT CONSENT FORM FOR PARTICIPATION IN HUMAN RESEARCH AT MONTANA STATE UNIVERSITY Project Title: Protective Factors Contributing to the Success of American Indian Graduates in Graduating from Urban High Schools Dear Co-Researcher, I am inviting you to help me research factors that help American Indian students succeed and graduate from big high schools like Lincoln. I want to do this by thinking back over your high school years and reflecting on your strength and purpose. I am interested in what and who inspired you and encouraged you, especially when times were tough. To help us remember the details, I want to put together some kind of scrapbook. This scrapbook might include photographs, assignments, copies from Lincoln High yearbooks and other items that will help us reminisce about high school and your life from freshman through senior year. This project will consist of 3 phases: Phase 1: Planning Interview (approx. 30 minutes). During this time, we will discuss the goals for the project and organize materials for a scrapbook. In this scrapbook, you are invited to organize photographs, documents, quotes and other items that tell the story of your high school years, focusing on those people and things that encouraged you. Phase 2: Interviews (3 sessions of 2-4 hours). For this phase, we will share stories and discuss some of those people, programs and aspects of family and school who contributed to your success in high school. In between sessions, you will be invited to write and reflect in a journal. Phase 3: Analysis (60-120 minutes). During this phase, you will review the transcripts of the interviews (in whole or part) and check for accuracy. You will have an opportunity (in person or via email) to review and refine interpretations. Participation in the study is voluntary. If you change your mind about this research, or it gets too difficult for some reason, you can stop any time. You don’t have to answer any questions you might not feel like answering. You can ask me questions too, so it will be more like conversations than interviews. 254 Risks, Benefits, and Costs: For the interviews, we will meet at times and in places that are convenient for you. There is a significant time commitment involved, but no additional risks are anticipated. I am offering to give you Wal-Mart of Holiday gift cards (equivalent to $10/hour) because I respect your time. Also, research work is important and it pays. My hope is that this research can help other Indian students by passing on information about programs, assignments, curriculum and qualities in teachers that will help more American Indian students succeed in their education and goals. It might also shine a light on the support from home and culture. Confidentiality: Names and identifying information (yours and anybody else we mention) will not be used in any publications, presentations, or workshops resulting from this research, unless you ask me to use your real name. Only you and I will review and discuss the interview transcripts and your scrapbook. Interview transcripts, and any other data will be securely stored. Physical records will be kept in a locked office, and digital records will be stored on my (Glenda McCarthy’s) password protected computer. All data will be destroyed at the conclusion of the project. You are encouraged to ask questions about your participation or the participation of at any time. Please contact Glenda McCarthy (406-839-0070) or glenda@bigskytech.net. If you have additional questions about the rights of human subjects involved in MSU research, you can contact the Chair of the Institutional Review Board, Mark Quinn (406- 994-4707 or mquinn@montana.edu). CO-RESEARCHER AUTHORIZATION: I have read the SUBJECT CONSENT FORM and understand the risks and benefits of the study. I, _____________________________ (name of co-researcher), agree to participate in this research. I understand that I may later refuse to participate, and that I may withdraw from the study at any time. I have received a copy of this consent form. Signature: _________________________________________ Date:_____________________ Researcher: ______________________________________ Date:_______________________ 255 APPENDIX C ESSENTIAL UNDERSTANDINGS REGARDING MONTANA INDIANS 256 Essential Understandings Regarding Montana Indians (MOPI, 2011) 1. Tribal Diversity: There is great diversity among the 12 tribal Nations of Montana in their languages, cultures, histories and governments. Each Nation has a distinct and unique cultural heritage that contributes to modern Montana. 2. Individual Diversity: There is great diversity among individual American Indians as identity is developed, defined and redefined by entities, organizations and people. A continuum of Indian identity, unique to each individual, ranges from assimilated to traditional. There is no generic American Indian. 3. Cultural Continuum: There is great diversity among individual American Indians as identity is developed, defined and redefined by entities, organizations and people. A continuum of Indian identity, unique to each individual, ranges from assimilated to traditional. There is no generic American Indian. 4. Reservations: Reservations are lands that have been reserved by the tribes for their own use through treaties, statutes, and executive orders and were not “given” to them. The principle that land should be acquired from the Indians only through their consent with treaties involved three assumptions: I. Both parties to treaties were sovereign powers. II. Indian tribes had some form of transferable title to the land. III. Acquisition of Indian lands was solely a government matter not to be left to individual colonists. 5. Federal Policies: There were many federal policies put into place throughout American history that have affected Indian people and still shape who they are today. Many of these policies conflicted with one another. Much of Indian history can be related through several major federal policy periods: Colonization/Colonial Period 1492 – 1800s Treaty Period 1789 - 1871 Assimilation Period - Allotment and Boarding School 1879 - 1934 Tribal Reorganization Period 1934 - 1958 Termination and Relocation Period 1953 - 1971 Self-determination Period 1968 – Present 6. History: History is a story most often related through the subjective experience of the teller. With the inclusion of more and varied voices, histories are being rediscovered and revised. History told from an Indian perspective frequently conflicts with the stories mainstream historians tell. 7. Sovereignty: Under the American legal system, Indian tribes have sovereign powers, separate and independent from the federal and state governments. However, the extent and breadth of tribal sovereignty is not the same for each tribe. 257 APPENDIX D ALEXANDRIA’S PROTECTIVE FACTORS 258 Alexandria, or Alex, is an enrolled member of the Northern Cheyenne tribe. I have known her since summer 2011, and she graduated with high honors from Lincoln High in 2015. Alex and I worked on the data collection for this research during summer after her first year of college in Colorado. We met at libraries for our interview sessions and ate Mexican food and pizza together as we put the scrapbook together at my home. Alex was dealing with a great deal of personal stress before and during the interviews and scrapbooking. She found the scrapbooking aspect of this research therapeutic. It was a powerful way for her to focus on her own strength, achievements and the supportive network she has. The following stories about Alex and her protective factors were gathered from eight hours of interviews and twenty hours we spent scrapbooking together. Alex’s mother participated in the family focus group with us, so that data is also incorporated into her narrative. Her finished scrapbook contains: ● 145 images, photographs taken or provided by Alex, me, or images she sourced from the internet ● 1 whole page from her high school yearbook ● 6 illustrated inspirational quotes taken from role models ● 2 newspaper articles ● A table and graph of graduation rates for the Sapphire school district, Lincoln High School and Lincoln’s American Indian cohort ● Her high school academic transcript I used the scrapbook categories created by Alex as themes for initial analysis. These categories appear in the following order in her scrapbook: ● Family and Culture ● High School 101 ● Teachers and School ● Art ● Homework Help ● Role Models ● Friends ● Native American Club ● Cultural History ● Graduation When I drafted narratives based on each theme, or scrapbook category, some interview data from the interviews were initially coded as “other Important.” We agreed that I could include the synthesis of interview and scrapbook data relating to Art as a subsection of Teachers and School. We identified an additional theme, Drive, that is reported at the end of this section focusing on Alex’s case. The resulting draft narrative was shared with Alex. She used comment bubbles in Google Documents to offer her corrections and suggestions, which I incorporated into the final draft. Family and Culture Alex and her mother are enrolled members of the Northern Cheyenne tribe and her father is Sisseton Wahpeton Sioux. Family is an important protective factor for Alex, and a Family and Culture section begins her scrapbook. Pictures of Alex’s father with her when she a baby and then a toddler appear in this section. Her father and extended 259 family from her father’s side also appear in the Graduation section as a testament to their relationship. In one of her senior pictures that Alex chose for the cover of her scrapbook, she is wearing a Native American star quilt made by her paternal grandmother in the purple and yellow colors of her favorite basketball team, the Los Angeles Lakers. However, Alex was raised by her mom, so the Family and Culture section contains many more photographs of Alex’s mom, maternal grandmother and other relatives from her mom’s side, including cousins and even a picture of her great-grandmother. The pictures in this section reveal a multi-generational, close knit group of strong women, grounded in their Northern Cheyenne culture, enjoying the simple pleasures of life and providing essential love and support for Alex. Alex’s senior picture, draped in a Los Angeles Lakers star quilt North Park basketball courts 260 Selfie taken at college orientation: Mom, Alex, Grandma Grandma beading Through scrapbook photographs and interviews, Alex shared current, everyday and annual cultural practices that are essential to her identity, such as visiting the reservation, attending powwows, and enjoying an Indian taco from “Benny’s”, whom Alex claims is the best Indian taco vendor on the powwow circuit. “They probably put like sugar or honey or something in it, the frybread, because it tastes savory and sweet ... I always crave it because I only get it once a year.” A veteran of the United States Marine Corps, Alex’s mom dances during the victory song, which is a patriotic protocol. As a drum group plays the victory song, veterans dance counter clockwise around the outside of the assembled dancers, symbolizing the protection that warriors and veterans continue to provide for the people (K. Big Back, personal communication, 26 March, 2017). Throughout her youth, Alex spent considerable time with her grandma, who speaks her first language fluently and is a respected elder in the reservation community of Busby, Montana on the Northern Cheyenne reservation. She is often smiling, and Alex likes to take random photos of her. Grandma is a “traditional style” dancer in powwows, mostly on the Northern Cheyenne reservation, but also in other places across the Northern Plains. Alex admires her grandma’s traditional dance regalia, particularly her buckskin outfit complimented by a vibrant blue shawl, scarf, bone chokers and jewelry of red and blue. With pride, Alex described how “she dances in buckskin in 95 degree weather.” Through Alex’s stories, her grandmother is described as both a prayerful woman of great spiritual strength and a playful lover of life. Grandma attends Catholic mass regularly and prays to “Maheo” (Creator) in the Cheyenne language. Alex asks Grandma to pray with her and for her, and she takes comfort in smudging with Mom and Grandma. Smudging is a ritual purification by burning sweetgrass, cedar or other plants and washing the smoke over oneself. At an Indian Education family night at school during Alex’s 11th grade year, her grandma offered the blessing in Cheyenne language before the meal. Alex and her grandma enjoy jokes and good times. For example, although Alex has dark hair and grandma wears her gray hair in a bun, Alex recalls asking her grandma, “Has anyone ever 261 told you, you look like Marilyn Monroe? Then she said I have the hair of Marilyn Monroe. And a few days ago I asked her if anyone ever said she looked like Sacajawea.” Alex was given her Indian name, “Voesta’a”, meaning “White Buffalo Calf Woman”, by Rose Eagle Feathers, a respected Northern Cheyenne elder who made considerable contributions to preserving tribal history. In many Native cultures, the white buffalo is a powerful and positive omen or medicine. Twice in art assignments, Alex shared her Indian name. One was a pencil doodle and the other was an impressive black and white collage. When Alex and I were talking about the significance of white buffalo and her collage, she started to look for images on her cell phone. She showed me how the previous evening, she had been searching the Internet for images of white buffalo while falling asleep. These choices indicate that her Indian name and her Northern Cheyenne culture are very important to Alex. Collage from art class representing Alex’s Indian name, “Voesta’a” White Buffalo Calf Woman Alex also treasures memories of her great grandmother, whose name was Martha. As a girl, Alex thought her great grandmother’s name was “Ke'éehe”, which is Cheyenne for grandma. Alex remembers Ke'éehe’s sense of humor and good handwriting. She included in her scrapbook a photo of Ke'éehe taken at a commemoration ceremony on the 262 anniversary of the Sand Creek massacre, one of the atrocities committed against the Cheyenne. The photograph is a moving portrait of an elder reflecting and praying for ancestors massacred in 1864. Alex also recalls the lovable individual qualities of Ke'éehe when looking at this photo. “My grandma said that she thinks she knew was going to get a picture taken so she like, fixed her hair a little,” which Alex thought was sweet and a little funny. Before the start of her 8th grade school year, Alex made a commitment not to miss any school days. Ke'éehe’s death was a great loss to Alex, and attending her funeral was the only day she missed that year. Alex’s grandmother in buckskin regalia Alex’s great grandmother Throughout high school, Alex visited the reservation two or three times a month, mostly to spend time with her grandmother. Sometimes the purpose was to watch a basketball game and then return to Sapphire for school the next day; travel time is ninety minutes one way. Alex, her mom and grandma are always at the Northern Cheyenne powwow in Lame Deer on the 4th of July weekend. Alex’s mom explained the importance of participating in this event annually. Our 4th of July powwow is really important for us every year. That is our time to go celebrate with family and friends. She meets a lot of her family that she doesn’t know or never met. I always introduce her to people that are related to me and tell her how I’m related to them and what they would be to her, so that I include her, so she knows she has a big family down there. Alex also enjoys the White River Cheyenne Days powwow in late June with her grandma in Busby. She has also attended powwows in other Montana reservations, cities, and in Colorado and South Dakota. Alex struggles to find the right words to describe her profound connection to the reservation as the stronghold of her Cheyenne culture: “I feel also kind of like a rejuvenation, sort of... you feel like, renewed, when you 263 visit the rez. It helps you get more balanced, and get away from school and people you go to school with. It’s family.” Alex attributes this rejuvenation to the rural beauty of the Northern Cheyenne reservation, the powwows and other cultural practices, but also to her awareness of Cheyenne history. In explaining this sense of renewal, Alex turned to the words on the back of her tribal identification card referring to Chief Little Wolf and Chief Dull Knife: “Out of defeat and exile, they lead us back to Montana, and won our Cheyenne homeland that we will keep forever.” For further detail about Northern Cheyenne history, see the following section, Cultural History. On the other hand, the positive effect of visiting the reservation is balanced against somewhat of a disconnect for Alex because she did not grow up on the reservation. Alex explained that not growing up on the reservation makes a person “feel excluded in a way, since you’re not really, like, raised there. You don’t really know people as much, so you feel like a visitor too, I guess.” As an urban Native experiencing renewal and reconnection when visiting the reservation, Alex makes her own personal connection to her ancestors’ struggle for homecoming. In addition to the ways in which family and culture sustain her sense of identity and general wellbeing, Alex spoke about practical assistance and encouragement offered by her mom and grandma throughout her high school years. Alex’s mom explained some of the difficulties in relocating from the reservation to Sapphire for the express purpose of providing Alex with better educational opportunities: “I didn’t have family around to come and babysit or help out and pick her up or walk her to school.” Her mom took care of the vast majority of household chores and allowed Alex to stay at homework tutoring sessions on a regular basis because she “wanted her to be able to study and not worry about other things. I’ve always stressed that from day one.” Alex’s mom drove her to the library and other places as needed. Both mom and grandma listened to her reading papers written for school assignments. When Alex was feeling down, she drew strength in the pride and love that her mom expressed. Her mom told Alex that she is “a strong Cheyenne woman.” Alex’s mother also drew strength from the support of her mother and extended family; “I feel blessed to be able to do this mostly solely on my own, but with the help of my family behind me too.” Alex was also inspired to persist with her high academic goals when she witnessed honor songs and give-aways at powwows. Honor songs are sung at powwows for various accomplishments by individuals, such as military service, graduations, and acts of generosity towards another individual or family. The honored individual may be gifted with blankets and other traditional items, and bestowed with prayers and words of thanks (MOPI, 2009, p. 12). Family members may join in a dance or procession with the honored individual, and members of the community sometimes give money in acknowledgment and thanks. I feel like at the powwows, when they have give-aways, honor songs and stuff like that, I feel like that’s where I get some other influences from, and hear about other people who are doing good, and going places, like Desi [Small-Rodriguez] and Melissa [Spang]... I feel like I perk up, my ears perk up or something, when I feel like I relate to other people, like where I come from and their success. I feel like I’m not as alone. 264 When Alex was in 10th grade raising money for a school trip to Spain, her family held a blanket dance for her during at Christmas powwow on the reservation. Similar to an honor song, in the blanket dance, members of the community celebrated Alex’s academic achievements and placed donations on a blanket which was carried by four corners in procession (MOPI, 2009, p. 17). Additionally, her mom and two of her grandmothers held an Indian taco sale in Lame Deer to raise further funds. In daily thoughts and choices, Alex draws on her Northern Cheyenne culture as an inspiration and a protective factor. The scrapbook cover she chose for this research project is Native-themed, decorated with arrows. She chose this design over another with a decorated tipi because the Cheyennes do not decorate their tipis. The palette of scrapbook paper she chose is named “Cheyenne”, with an array of Native themed art paper. Alex sometimes wore Northern Cheyenne and other Native sweatshirts to school, as well as beaded earrings. Interestingly, she did this purposefully on difficult days like Columbus Day, as a form of armor against the celebration of what was, from Alex’s perspective, invasion and genocide. Alex explained, “I also wore those earrings, beaded earrings on Columbus Day ... So people don’t say ignorant stuff to me, without like, knowing or just random ignorant things.” Graduating American Indian seniors in Sapphire are permitted to wear an eagle feather on their cap, a sacred symbol of honor and achievement for Native people. At Lincoln High, all students are also allowed to decorate their caps. Many Native graduates take this opportunity to have their cap beaded in traditional colors and designs. It meant a great deal to Alex that she could graduate with representations of her Northern Cheyenne culture. Alex explained that “Cheyenne women aren’t allowed to drum and touch eagle feathers,” so instead she had a turkey feather painted to look like an eagle feather on her cap. The feather and cap were beaded with her school colors of orange and black, to which her grandma added Cheyenne pink, “a purplish plum color.” She also wore beaded moccasins that her grandmother chose for her. Alex at graduation in beaded cap with turkey feather 265 Alex drew inspiration to stay on a good path, including her success in a large urban high school, from her regular travel to the reservation, her enjoyment of powwows and the importance she attaches to her culture. She also drew constant support from knowing that her mom, dad and grandma “were always there to keep encouraging me whenever I disappointed myself by not getting as high of a grade as I wanted, and always helped me back on my feet to keep trying my best.” Cultural History Alex chose to add a section titled Cultural History after the other categories were half completed. In this five-page section of the scrapbook, she included stories of her ancestors, the massacres they suffered and messages of resilience from the survivors. For Alex, this history is honored in annual events and contemporary Northern Cheyenne culture. The Sand Creek massacre is an important event in Cheyenne history, one that Alex included in her scrapbook. In 1864, Colonel John Chivington led volunteers and soldiers to attack, kill and mutilate a peaceful camp of Cheyennes and Arapahos in Colorado, most of whom were women and children. Alex shared her knowledge of the Sand Creek Massacre when it came up in history class, having visited the memorial when she was in 4th grade: “I went with my grandpa and my mom.” Her scrapbook includes a picture of the tipi poles, topped with an American flag and a white flag erected at the memorial site. Sand Creek Massacre Memorial The Fort Robinson Breakout is another important event for Northern Cheyenne people. After being forcibly relocated to Oklahoma in 1878, a group of Northern Cheyenne decided to return home to what is now Montana, but a group travelling with Chief Dull Knife were recaptured and taken to Fort Robinson in present day Nebraska. 266 On January 9th, 1879, 149 Cheyennes broke out of the barracks in which they were imprisoned. They did so trusting that some of them would make it back to the Cheyenne homeland. Alex grew up hearing the stories of the Fort Robinson Breakout: I knew that we broke out of Fort Robinson, and it was in the winter, so it was really cold. And it was after we forcibly got relocated to Oklahoma. And they decided they were homesick and wanted to come back. So they started to…And there were barracks, and they had to be in the barracks. Each year since 1995, Northern Cheyenne youth, under the guidance of Phillip Whiteman Jr. and Lynette Two Bulls, begin the Fort Robinson Spiritual Run on January 9th. In summer 2016, after her first year in college, Alex travelled with her grandma to Fort Robinson, Nebraska for the dedication of a monument to 64 Cheyennes who were killed there. Alex chose not to participate in the Fort Robinson Spiritual Run during high school because it always fell right before semester one finals, but she was aware of the event and family members who participated: “Every year when they broke out, people go to run, on the highway back. I’d never been to Fort Robinson until last weekend… I knew my grandma went, my cousins sometimes.” Alex included an article about the run in her scrapbook in the Cultural History section. It features a photograph of her cousin when he participated in the Fort Robinson Spiritual Run. She also included another newspaper article in her scrapbook about the dedication of the monument, which she attended in summer 2016. The article gives information about rituals for healing and purification that were performed by Northern Cheyenne tribal members. For Alex, a seventh generation descendant of Dull Knife, the barrack where her ancestor was confined “still feels haunted.” Alex at the Fort Robinson memorial, Nebraska, Summer 2016 The seventh generation, referring to a Native American teaching of considering implications of one’s actions seven generations into the future, and also a prophecy of healing coming seven generations after the trauma of European invasion, is important to Alex. In one of her college application essays, Alex wrote: Our Native wisdom has taught us that healing should come in the seventh 267 generation; now is the time…One day I hope that children on and off the reservation might look to me as another example of why they can make it. Another connection Alex has with Fort Robinson is that her great grandmother, Ke'éehe, was one of four elders who represented the Northern Cheyenne people when the bones of the Fort Robinson Outbreak victims were finally repatriated in 1993. Alex’s great grandmother and others in the delegation “had to go to Washington DC, like the Smithsonian or something, and they turned the remains over. And that she picked one of the places and they buried it in Busby.” Recalling genocidal acts committed against her people may seem at odds with this dissertation's focus on Alex’s protective factors. However, her knowledge of the Northern Cheyenne determination to return to Montana after forced relocation and their courage under fire inspired Alex throughout high school. In her scrapbook, Alex included a quote from Walter Runsabove, a Northern Cheyenne champion powwow dancer and story teller who worked for Sapphire’s Indian Education Department when Alex was in high school. His quote resonated with Alex: “Cheyennes don’t have quit in our blood.” Reflecting on her own understanding of the protective factor offered by her cultural history, Alex said, “I think that it shows determination and resilience. And for Montana it makes you feel more appreciative since they risked their lives to come back here.” Knowing her Cheyenne history was helpful for Alex throughout high school, and it seems to grow stronger with each opportunity to learn more about her history and participate in commemorative and cultural activities. Maybe it helps put things in perspective ... Like, I’m not starving in a barrack, so why can’t I just write the paper or something? ... It’s like when things are coming at you, like, we’re still here. And Sand Creek, and normal, general Native things that happened, like smallpox and boarding schools and Fort Robinson and like regular wars and treaties. High School 101 Alex has a three-page section in her scrapbook dedicated to High School 101. High School 101 is a two-week summer program offered by Sapphire school district for American Indian students transitioning from middle school to high school. I was the lead teacher on this program and this is where I first met Alex and her mother. Alex found it helpful to meet teachers and other Indian Education staff before “going into a big school.” The photographs capture a range of activities, including a field trip to a bookstore to purchase summer reading books and campus tours of two Montana universities and a tribal college. The college and career-planning element of High School 101 was particularly relevant for Alex. “It’s fun visiting colleges,” according to Alex. Her career research project was the first time she learned about a sports statistician, the career path she chose to pursue as a statistics major in college. High School 101 also seeks to affirm the cultural identity of Native students, and Alex remembered “getting 100% on that tribe and reservation quiz.” Group photos were taken in front of a tipi that students erected with the guidance of cultural mentors. Alex’s mother also spoke highly of High School 101, which “let them know what they were going to be looking forward to, actually being in the school and seeing it too.” 268 Alex with her summer reading book at the front of the bus, High School 101 The third page in this section includes two photos from subsequent years of High School 101 because Alex returned as a peer mentor. She enjoyed being a “role model and helping prepare people.” She took the “leadership role” of peer mentoring, saying that “it’s more of an acknowledgement and that feels good.” Alex also chose to include a reunion photo of some of her High School 101 group at an Indian Education graduation BBQ celebration four years later. Reunion of some of Alex’s (right) High School 101 group ready to graduate Teachers and School On the first two pages out of six in the Teachers and School section, Alex put photographs of eight teachers whom she described as “MVPs”, most valuable players. She did not necessarily take classes with all of them. Some were teachers in High School 101 who maintained an interest in the success of Alex and other Native students 269 throughout high school. Alex spoke with appreciation about teachers who were organized because “it’s confusing when teachers aren’t good at explaining what they want you to do.” Being approachable was another important quality in teachers, “and I feel like Miss Hugs5 was the most like that.” Alex also appreciated the friendly nature of her Assistant Principal. Other MVP teachers worked the after school tutoring sessions. Alex was always striving to maintain her best possible Grade Point Average. She mentioned more than once, “I like grades,” indicating that for her, good grades were a protective factor. Since family members were not able to help her with school assignments, she greatly appreciated teachers who made themselves available. About my help with papers, Alex said, “I feel like you were one of the biggest factors in helping proofreading and brainstorming.” She mentioned six other “really helpful” teachers who were available for questions and assistance after school or at lunch time. Alex appreciated her social studies teacher allowing her to come in on successive mornings to make up an exam. She understood that her physics teacher had coaching commitments after school; “I felt like I asked him questions in the morning sometimes.” From the variety of subject areas, grade levels and teachers mentioned, a picture emerges of a dedicated student and a network of caring educators willing to provide her with extra time and teaching. Alex summarized her feeling about good teachers in her journal: Another big factor that helped me be successful were the teachers that went above and beyond like Mrs. McCarthy, Mrs. Shell and Miss Hugs who believed in me and helped me in their free time when they did not have to, whether it was staying after school to further explain a concept I had a hard time grasping, or proofreading a paper time and time again. With their help I did not feel so overwhelmed or uncomfortable at school. In terms of pedagogy, Alex found collaborative learning helpful because it “felt less intimidating.” She recalled several example of collaborative learning. In English and social studies classes “we worked on worksheets together.” In Spanish, students could ask each other for help with vocabulary and conjugations, and also collaborated on “little skits.” Her art teacher, Mrs. Belle, encouraged students to seek opinions on artistic choices from peers. “You did it a lot in math,” according to Alex. “You collaborate and have time to work. You have half the class to work on your homework.” Alex also saw collaborative learning as “useful, since in a lot of jobs, you have to have good people skills and work in teams.” I feel like mostly when you’re first learning something, it helps get it down better if you’re working with somebody because either they can explain it more than how it was explained in class, or you can explain it. And teaching is a good way to learn. Although Alex wanted good grades, she was also determined to pursue rigorous course work, such as honors and advanced placement math. Alex said she was determined about “pushing myself to go above and beyond the required amount because you only need two years.” Miss Hugs, Alex’s advanced placement Statistics teacher, gave a lesser amount of homework than previous math teachers, “but I feel like they were good questions and helped you prepare for the exam.” Across content areas throughout 5 Besides my name, other names of teachers are pseudonyms. 270 high school, Alex appreciated high expectations. She was proud of an A grade on a lengthy research paper with works cited; “I liked my government paper because of how long it was.” Alex was able to travel overseas twice with her Spanish classes. The real world learning and cultural enrichment she experienced on trips to Spain and Costa Rica provided highlight of her high school years. This was the first time Alex had travelled on a plane, and she had to overcome a number of travel anxieties. “I thought I’d get tackled by security. Maybe getting lost. That felt kind of scary too, in a foreign country.” Alex enjoyed playing “soccer with little Costa Rican kids” and noticing differences in architecture as well as culture and language. “You get to practice Spanish, so you get more comfortable with it.” She visited the Prado museum in Madrid, then during her senior year of Spanish, “we did that art unit, like learning more background in Spanish, and I’d already been there… I feel like it gives you more confidence and it’s more of a hands on experience.” Alex enjoying the sea view in Costa Rica Another example of rigor and high standards Alex gave was in her art classes. Mrs. Belle allowed for choice and creativity within expectations that resulted in Alex producing art work of standards beyond her expectations. Photographs of art assignment she keeps on her cell phone provided material for an Art section in her scrapbook. “That one picture of the basketball. That one impressed me and it turned out better than I thought it would.” 271 Alex’s Sci-Fi art piece, partly inspired by the Michael Jordan “Wings” poster Being able to redo assignments was a protective factor for Alex as she persisted with rigorous classes and aimed for academic excellence. She took advantage of redoing incorrect homework questions in Miss Hugs’ math class to improve her understanding. “Redoing things I feel, puts less pressure on you to get things right the first time.” Senior High had an “Incentive Day” at the end of midterm grading period when students who only missed one or two days of school were not required to attend. This offered many struggling students the opportunity to get individualized attention and make up missing work. Even though Alex maintained excellent attendance, she sometimes chose to attend on Incentive Day “even though I didn’t have to… You can feel you grades getting better by spending more time and putting more work into things.” In her final semester of high school, Alex attended Incentive Day while most of the other seniors were gone. Alex appreciated that “Miss Hugs lets us correct the questions we missed, so I got my grade up to exactly 90%. And that was my goal and it was hard and it was scary.” Alex spoke favorably about teachers who used presentations as summative assessments. This happened in world history and physics, “like teaching the class about a topic that we covered.” She saw such presentations as “a visible accomplishment” of her learning. These presentations were accompanied by a self-reflection. Overall, Alex saw the implementation of Indian Education for All (IEFA) by her teachers as a positive and protective factor. Although few photographs or evidence of IEFA were readily available, one page in the Teachers and School section captures a few examples. There were exceptions to IEFA being a protective factor, especially when topics and discussions were first introduced, since sometimes students or even teachers “might be naïve and ask like stereotypical things ... people just like staring at you right when they mention what you are going to move on to next or whatever, and your attention is drawn to a certain person.” Depending on how culturally responsive teachers 272 and fellow students were, it was sometimes detrimental for Alex when “people will either assume you’re an expert ... sometimes they will pick you out to share on your experiences like you know everything.” Over the course of the three interviews, Alex shared a number of examples of IEFA in her classes, saying that “being able to learn it is fun, depending on the willingness of your classmates.” In her 9th grade English class, Alex recalled the school’s American Indian Home to School Coordinator sharing about her Crow culture. Alex’s class read Sherman Alexie’s novel, The Absolutely True Diary of a Part-Time Indian, in 10th grade and then watched the movie Smoke Signals. She recalled discussing comical yet realistic events in the texts, and also her teacher, Mrs. Kane, assigned presentations where students explored their own cultural background, “where we came from, and I did that Northern Cheyenne PowerPoint.” Alex was able to re-work this presentation for her world history class and volunteered to share it with friends in Native American Club. It involved research and interviewing her grandmother, as well as photographing historical sites on the reservation. Alex found student choice in assignment topics to be positive, especially regarding IEFA, because she could explore an individually chosen cultural topic without resistance from classmates. Choosing a “specific thing within a topic helps you be more engaged.” Students in her 10th grade English class shared their cultural background presentations with the rest of the class, so Alex’s peers and teacher learned about her Northern Cheyenne culture, as she learned about others. In senior year, her English class studied the Boarding School Era and watched the film Older Than America, a suspenseful film about the horrors perpetrated in a fictionalized Indian boarding school, which Alex found very engaging. She was again allowed assignment choice for a major research paper, and chose to research economic development on reservations, which was “hard to research,” especially because of the lack of information available, especially in books and on websites. Like English, Social Studies is an important subject for IEFA implementation. In United States history class, Alex recalls a little time spent on Native content, and generally wanting more. “They talked about that angel in that one painting, Manifest Destiny”, referring to John Gast’s 1872 painting American Progress which is often featured in textbooks to explain the 19th-century belief that the westward expansion of the United States was justified. The following year, Alex returned to visit her history teacher whom she described as “approachable” and shared a song called “Unforgivable Youth” by Lupe Fiasco that represented her feelings on Manifest Destiny. A slave labor force provides wealth to the machine And helps the new regime establish and expand Using Manifest Destiny to siphon off the land From Native caretakers who can barely understand How can land be owned by another man? Alex also recalled in US History, “We talked about AIM [the American Indian Movement] for like, five minutes” as part of a study on the Civil Rights movement. This was the first time Alex had heard of AIM. She was very interested in the topic, and appreciated her Montana History teacher going into more detail the following year with information about AIM’s actions at Wounded Knee in South Dakota in 1973. Also in 273 Montana History, Alex was fascinated by the opportunity to study some specific history regarding the Northern Cheyenne and other Montana tribes in the textbook Montana Stories of the Land by Krys Holmes. In her 12th grade government class, Alex recalled touching on the topic of tribal sovereignty. She once again shared “Unforgivable Youth” as her text for “Write Into the Day”, a teaching strategy used by teachers affiliated with the National Writing Project (NWP). Once protocols for respect and sharing are established, most NWP teachers make space for student voices by inviting them to share a relevant text with the class, after which students write their response. Through Lupe Fiasco’s song, she hoped to “make people want to look more into things.” Popular music was, in Alex’s opinion, an effective way for other students to raise their awareness of the painful realities of Federal Indian Policy, described by Lupe Fiasco as “torture, terror, fear, till they nearly disappeared.” In art assignments, Alex was able to explore her cultural identity as discussed in the previous section. Her art teacher, Mrs. Belle, also coordinated the installation of a medicine wheel in the school courtyard. Each student decorated their individual brick and helped put together the overall medicine wheel. Although it is likely that other non- Native students learned new cultural information about medicine wheels, Alex said, “I felt like it wasn’t like a huge learning experience for me.” She had already learned about the meanings of the four sections of the medicine wheel from her grandmother, and overall meanings of connectedness and life balance. Senior High Medicine Wheel Installation, 2012 Alex had an uplifting experience of IEFA when business studies teachers coordinated an all day seminar of American Indian business leaders sharing their stories, challenges and successes. Although Alex was not taking business studies at the time, members of Native American Club were invited to attend one session of their choosing. Alex listened to Clara Caufield’s presentation about her small business on the Northern Cheyenne reservation, an independently owned newspaper called A Cheyenne Voice. Alex was inspired be Caufield’s achievements and goal, “to support or honor Northern Cheyennes.” The following year when business studies teachers again organized the American Indian Business Leaders seminar, Caufield returned and met Alex after her presentation to write an article about Alex and her family. This not only meant a great deal to Alex, but also to her mother, who was not previously aware of A Cheyenne Voice 274 and said, “It just seemed really great to have some recognition from our reservation that what I was doing was actually being recognized as being a good parent when it comes to education and the sacrifices I had to give.” Following the article’s publication, Alex’s mother friended Clara Caufield on Facebook and connected with community via the newspaper. In this instance, the protective factor of IEFA extended beyond Alex to her family. Alex and me in “A Cheyenne Voice” newspaper Alex had positive experiences of IEFA in Spanish class where Señora had 275 students read traditional Mexican tales and then related them to Native American stories like the Llorona. “It’s this Weeping Woman,” explained Alex of the Llorona, “and she like hangs out at dry riverbeds. The parents tell their kids to not play around the river or Llorona’s going to get them.” When asked is students knew of similar tales, Alex shared her Cheyenne knowledge “about Mestaa’e, which is like owls. At night they’re around you or whatever. You have to be quiet because if they hear you they can repeat you, and they can give you bad luck.” Alex spoke about the importance of IEFA within the context of broader multicultural curriculum content. She felt that her education had addressed African American history and was aware of popular films and music bringing awareness to this culture. She had learned about Cesar Chavez, the Chicano civil rights leader, before coming across AIM for the first time in 11th grade. While Alex saw the importance of learning about all cultural groups, she shared her view on the particular difficulties faced by American Indians. I think it’s kind of weird to be the minority of minorities in your own country. Cos we don’t really have anywhere to go to ... And then especially people think we’re extinct, and that’s weird too, like fairytales ... people just being surprised that you’re Native American. Regarding any feelings of frustration at a lack of time spent on Native perspectives, Alex shared her awareness of a crowded curriculum and what can be an inevitable lack of expertise by mostly non-Native teachers. She compared her high school history classes to introductory courses she has taken in college, understanding that “they don’t have enough time to go into detail.” Alex could put herself in the shoes of non-Native or non-Cheyenne teachers struggling to implement IEFA in authentic and tribally specific ways, explaining that “It would be hard to know the culture if you just know bits and pieces, not how things really relate to each other too.” Occasional student resistance to IEFA, or resistance to school in general, was another challenge to successful IEFA implementation cited by Alex. She described her classmates as sometimes resembling “zombies taking notes”, even when it was a topic that deeply interested her, such as study of tribal nations in Montana history. Lack of cultural knowledge, the crowded curriculum and student disinterest were reasons that Alex used to explain why “Native history gets glossed over in the busy curriculum and in general.” In spite of some disappointment regarding the lack of IEFA in some classes and awkward moments of being over-identified in some situations, by our third interview, Alex concluded that the efforts of Montana teachers with IEFA are “important” as a way for all students “to learn things” that will “stop more ignorance.” We did not focus in our interview on experiences of prejudice, but it came up a couple of times that Alex endured peers talking about Natives who “have nothing”, and the Indian community in Sapphire and neighboring bordertown being “nothing but a bunch of drunk Natives.” Alex contrasted the greater awareness of Native culture in Montana with her experiences as a college student in Colorado, which does not have a state educational mandate for the inclusion of American Indian curriculum content. In Colorado, Alex describes feeling “more isolated there since their schools didn’t really talk about Natives.” Even though it has some problems with kids not wanting to learn it or feeling like 276 it’s shoved down their throat or something, and they might not totally grasp things or be more open to ideas, but I feel like it helps them a little bit be a little less naïve. At least a little. Alex mentioned occasionally feeling isolated as a Native student, even though she and her mother greatly appreciated the educational opportunities available to her at Lincoln High. Therefore, developing connections with the school community was important to her, and she made particular efforts in this regard. Alex joined a number of clubs throughout high school and enjoyed clubs that allowed members to laugh, play games and eat pizza. This happened in Spanish Club and Key Club, where students volunteered in various community service projects. Other clubs appealed for their interesting activities, like Academic Team, “but it felt kind of lonely-ish since I was the only senior and it seemed like the only minority.” Sometimes, Alex was less aware of being a minority, or even the only Native if “there were people who were in my class helped me feel more comfortable.” Native culture was celebrated in the hallways and school wide events at Lincoln High when Alex attended, including Indian taco sales, guest speakers and pinup board displays. Native dancers and drum groups were invited to the spring Celebrate Senior pep assembly. I saw it with Celebrate Senior and Walter’s family dancing and Tuff [Native athlete, Tuff Harris] coming to speak at a Lunch and Learn and in your room and in Anna’s room, and with that billboard thing we did, and with our taco sales. Tipis erected by Sapphire Public Schools Indian Education department at Senior High and many other school buildings were a “prominent” display of Native culture, according to Alex. She valued all of these efforts to honor Native culture in the school community. Seeing non-Natives get excited too ... I feel like mostly people had the chance to see it if they wanted to. I feel it was good that way that people didn’t feel like it was being shoved down their throat or anything. They mostly got the opportunity to see things, to stop and read posters or whatever. Maybe they’d never have the opportunity to go to a powwow, and they still got to see a little bit of dancing ... It makes you feel less isolated, and that you’re not the only one. 277 Native American dancers performing at assembly, American Indian Heritage Day 2015 Alex’s mother occasionally came into the school and always felt welcome. She attended parent teacher conferences. She attended Indian Education family nights where families were invited to partake in a shared meal, meet staff and other families and receive information about school programs in a friendly and culturally responsive atmosphere. Alex’s mom also attended a graduation bbq hosted by the Sapphire Public Schools Indian Education department in a local park. She explained that such gatherings “helped me to be at ease and actually meet people in this area, that all had the same goal as us, to graduate.” Alex’s mom enjoyed attending a National Honor Society event to which she was invited, recalling “that made me proud of her.” Before her overseas trips with Spanish class, Alex’s parents met her teachers, and they also received daily emails during the trips. In my role as an Indian Education department staff member, I was able to be a point of contact for Alex’s mother when needs or concerns arose. Having a liaison who works for the Indian Education department was a protective factor for Alex’s mom, as her mom explained. You’ve always encouraged her throughout her high school years to keep succeeding. I feel like you were a big part of keeping her going too, from the school perspective. And I appreciate all the things you have done for her and I. Alex did not think any further communication from teachers was necessary because it sounded “scary” in her mind, “like ‘I’m going to notify your parents.’” Another school family partnership for Alex and her mom beyond Lincoln High was the Indigenous Scholars of Promise (ISP) program, a selective college preparatory program for American Indian students in Montana provided by HOPA Mountain, a non- profit organization. In the Teachers and School section scrapbook, Alex includes one 278 page of photographs that she took on college visits with ISP. This program was a protective factor in Alex’s final two years of high school as she worked hard to finish with good grades and plan for college. “They helped pay for the applications, so that was a stress reliever.” Alex’s mother also attended ISP, learning alongside Alex and said, “People shared their experiences with them and I really believe that that was helpful, meeting them once a month.” Alex was able to apply to eight colleges and tour some in the Denver area, which helped her choose her college. Native American Club Alex was a member of Native American Club throughout high school, and was elected club president during 10th and 11th grade. This club provided Alex with the most significant social protective factor, especially in her first year of high school. “It makes you feel more comfortable. And I think, like, during the beginning it’s intimidating, your freshman year to join clubs.” The sense of community provided by Native American Club, joking and making friends with older Native students, helped her feel more involved with the broader school community. With other club members, Alex helped to plan weekly activities. The five page section in her scrapbook dedicated to Native American club shows members beading, playing traditional American Indian hand games, dressed in Native regalia at assemblies and helping to organize the school district powwow. Alex also enjoyed listening to invited guest speakers at club, fund raising and going on the spring trips, such as the one to Denver March powwow in Denver, Colorado during her senior year. Native American Club was a protective factor for Alex’s mother as well, who explained that there were few opportunities to connect with other urban Natives in Sapphire, apart from a women’s drop in center operated by Ursuline nuns and open to any women in need. Native American Club’s college visit trips and their participation in the annual Sapphire Public Schools “Honoring Our Youth” Powwow provided opportunities for her mother to connect with community. “I noticed Alex used the Indian Club in high school and became a big part of it. And that helped. Through that I’ve learned to learn things from her perspective of her school. You know, the trips they take.” 279 Mom, Grandma and Alex at the Sapphire Public Schools 2014 Honoring Our Youth Powwow 2015 Native American Club members selling root beer floats at open house Alex far left Homework Help 280 Alex emphasized that Lincoln High School’s after school homework program, Homework Help, was a significant protective factor and dedicated a page in her scrapbook to it. Alex attended often, Monday through Thursday after school, and accessed the support of teachers and peers. “I felt like it was not as intimidating at Homework Help, because you had other people to rely on to help you instead of having to figure it out yourself.” She appreciated the immediate assistance on how to “understand a question on your homework that’s due tomorrow.” With computer access, teacher support, snacks and peer tutoring, Alex described Homework Help as “a comfortable setting so you’re not that worried or feeling uneasy or anything, so it’s easier to learn.” This helped her ongoing learning, even when taking exams later on because the regular, assisted study became “somewhat muscle memory; it’s more practice too.” The regulars at Homework Help became something of a community; Alex appreciated it when “some friends went to Homework Help too.” Mr. Falcon, one of the teachers, gifted Alex and other leading Native students with a flower each on graduation. Homework Help was held in the same room as Native American Club, but it was a place where all students were welcome. Alex often ate lunch there and sometimes used that time to complete class work too because she found that “it’s hard to focus on something if you start doing it and can’t finish it until you go home.” Alex and friends finishing work in Room 128 at lunchtime Friends Not surprisingly, Alex also talked about the important role that her friends played in her happiness at school. Two pages of her scrapbook feature a selection of friends. When talking about the friends who encouraged her spirits through the stresses of high school, many happen to be Native American, and some of those faces appear in Native American Club photos, too. However, as she progressed through high school, Alex’s circle of friends widened. She explained, “Most of my friends who were in advanced classes weren’t Native, but they helped a lot with just like doing homework together or something.” Alex was aware that in her graduating class, not many other American 281 Indian students were achieving at her lofty standards. Therefore, she appreciated her Native friends cheering her on. For example, one of her friends, Taylor, who is an outstanding athlete, “sometimes texts me praising how smart I am. She’s like, ‘You’re the smartest person I know.’ And it feels just like you’re not being looked over or something, sort of, that they notice how hard you’re trying.” Alex and her star athlete friend, Taylor Role Models Alex created a three-page section for role models in her scrapbook with photographs of celebrities, athletes and other prominent persons who inspire her. The role models presented are American Indian and African American: Tuff Harris (Northern Cheyenne/Crow football player), Sherman Alexie (Coeur d’Alene writer), Tahnee Robinson (Northern Cheyenne/Pawnee/Sioux/Eastern Shoshone basketball player), Adam Beach (Anishinaabe actor), Desi Small-Rodriguez (Northern Cheyenne scholar), Shoni and Jude Shimmel (Umatilla basketball players), Jakobi Ellsberry (Colorado River baseball player), Tupac Shakur (African American rapper), Kobe Bryant (African American basketball player) and Lupe Fiasco (African American rapper). I feel like, sort of less of a minority that there are people like Adam Beach and Jakobi Elsberry, Tuff Harris, Tahnee Robinson, Shoni Shimmel, Jude. Like I feel like just that there’s more people to look up to, representing Native Americans. Because I feel like before that, the closest thing we had to relate to was, like, Tupac, and that they’re mostly focused on bringing up African Americans than 282 minorities. Alex mentioned two more role models during the interviews, Cinnamon Spear and Melissa Spang. Both are Northern Cheyenne women successful in their respective professions. The Northern Cheyenne women in Alex’s list of role models inspire Alex because “they’re the same tribe as you, and they’re both female.” ISP brought students like Alex together with a number of these role models. “It helps you meet other Natives who’ve been to college and there’s panels where you can ask questions. It helps prepare you more and helps you know what to expect.” Although Alex made friends with the non-Native valedictorians in her advanced placement high school classes, she felt less intimidated around them after meeting Native role models at ISP retreats. In addition to the photographs, Alex chose and illustrated inspirational quotes from four of these role models. Each one reflects an aspect of the struggles that Alex has overcome and the protective messages she heard from her role models. For example, from Tupac Shakur: “I know it seems hard sometimes, but remember one thing: through every dark night there’s a bright day after that. So no matter how hard it get, stick your chest out, keep ya head up and handle it.” And from Alex’s favorite athlete, Kobe Bryant: “If you’re afraid to fail, then you’re probably going to fail.” Films, music, social networking and popular culture accessible on the Internet connected Alex with some of her role models and a other protective factors. Desi Small- Rodriguez and Cinnamon Spear are friends with Alex on Facebook. Desi offered helpful suggestions when Alex was struggling with choosing which college to attend. Family members and friends on the reservations and in Colorado could celebrate accomplishments with Alex via Facebook. For example, many relatives posted and commented on the article about Alex that was published in A Cheyenne Voice, saying how proud they were of Alex. Alex shared the Lupe Fiasco’s song, “Unforgivable Youth,” with her social studies teachers and classes. This is an example of popular music acting as a protective factor for Alex because the song lyrics explore atrocities committed against American Indians and African Americans. According to Alex, these issues are “real things and things that aren’t being talked about and are overlooked.” On the Internet, Alex was not only able to access songs that affirmed multicultural perspectives of history, but she also learned new information on music websites. On the Rap Genius website, Alex was interested learn more about the historical events referred to in “Unforgivable Youth” by clicking on links. Lakota rapper, Nataanii Means was another musician with messages about culture and history that Alex shared with me on Youtube; she also shared his song “The Radical” with her 12th grade English class. Although Alex found Native American musicians, fashions and stories to be protective factors, she was also inspired by parallel stories from other minorities who overcome isolation and struggle to achieve success and happiness. In explaining the sense of cultural isolation she experiences as an urban Indian, with a sense of identity and belonging yet not fully feeling at home in her Northern Cheyenne reservation community or her Sapphire urban community, Alex showed me a comedy clip on Youtube called “Being a Mexican American is Exhausting” featuring Selena Gomez. The Mexican- American characters talk about the struggle to be accepted in either culture, and the line, 283 “Anglo food is too bland; yet when we go to Mexico we get the runs”, especially amused Alex. Through comedy and being able to relate to the experiences of other Natives and minorities, Alex felt sustained and encouraged. Just as Alex drew inspiration from musicians, athletes and professionals, especially those who were Native or another minority, she was aware of setting a good example for others. “All my younger cousins and my siblings on my dad’s side” went to graduation. Beyond her family, Alex enjoyed being “a role model and helping prepare people” when she volunteered as a peer mentor at High School 101 after her 9th grade year. She became a protective factor for younger Native students, modeling with good academic habits and pride in her culture. The experience of giving back continued to fortify Alex. Crossing Borders and Expanding Horizons High school was hard work for Alex because of the high standards she put on herself and cultural differences she experienced as a Northern Cheyenne girl in a large urban high school where American Indian students are a minority. Alex expressed awareness that “the dominant culture is more on time,” such as adhering strictly to school bells and passing periods during the school day. Alex also explained that Native students attending school on the reservation have the comfort of “just being around relatives… so you feel more understood.” She accepted the reality of having “ to transition back and forth when I go places” and the resulting anxiety. Alex used the metaphor of blanching vegetables to describe the culture shock experienced by Native students moving between their reservations communities and urban high schools, “like when you steam vegetables and then put them in ice.” In her metaphor, Native students coming from the reservation are likened to warm, steamed vegetables suddenly plunged into the ice bath of a fast- paced, largely Eurocentric curriculum, surrounded by almost 2,000 students in their urban school. The presence of Native culture within curriculum content, displays in classrooms and hallways, Native American Club activities, and assembly performances were protective factors against this culture shock, in Alex’s opinion. Alex spoke of joining different clubs, meeting new people, college visits and being a “trailblazer” with Indigenous Scholars of Promise because she was the first urban Native student in the program. Her two overseas trips with Spanish class were especially intimidating, exciting and ultimately rewarding opportunities to cross borders and expand her horizons. “The more you travel, the easier it gets, but it’s still going to be exciting even though you’re used to traveling. It makes you feel famous. You don’t think you’d get an opportunity like that.” Alex’s mother explained how she worked hard and made sacrifices to provide just such opportunities for Alex “to learn more things and explore more things and be more challenged than going to school on the reservation.” In this respect, Alex is building on the foundation of her mother’s achievements who joined the US Marine Corps the day after graduation in order to better her life, and then moved to Sapphire before Alex started school. Her mom explained, “I wanted to be able to function in the city and survive. So I started making my goals high.” Alex’s expanding horizons through education enrich the lives of Alex and her mom. Her mother talked about greatly enjoying the conversations they have as mom continues to learn and travel. Alex hopes 284 to travel more in her future and says that each experience has given her more confidence about her place in the world. In the Role Model section of her scrapbook, Alex included a quote from Coeur d’Alene author, Sherman Alexie, and placed it on a card with a background image of looking up at the sky from inside a box. This quote reminded Alex of her many border crossings. Even though each one is fraught with anxiety, each successful border crossing is a protective factor in the onward journey. “It makes me think of being more courageous and trying more new things. Like going to school at Colorado State where I don’t know anybody.” Drive When explaining protective factors that led to Alex’s graduation, it is important to acknowledge her incredible determination to maintain excellent attendance and grades while taking rigorous coursework including advanced math classes and four years of Spanish. Her choices were a departure from those of family members in her generation. She explained, “I have seven cousins who are my age or older and I was the first to go to college, so I feel like maybe they seem like they don’t have a drive or something.” In each interview session, I asked Alex follow up questions about her choice to maintain excellent attendance and the best possible grades. As a teacher and a teacher-leader working with achievement programs for American Indian youth, I know how many colleagues want to replicate whatever it was that resulted in Alex’s determination. I wondered about life events or an inspirational individual who might have connected with Alex at the end of her middle school years. However, the only information that Alex could share with me about her self-discipline and determination came from her journal after our first session. Throughout high school, I feel like the main thing that made me want to be successful was the pressure I put on myself. Since the summer before 8th grade, I wanted to see what I was capable of accomplishing once I applied all of my effort and focus towards school. One result of this was missing only five school days throughout my four years of high school. It took discipline. I also knew I would lose some motivation if I did not make attendance my priority. I am the person that put the most pressure on myself. Along with that came stress… I knew all of the stress, tears and long hours of doing homework would pay off in the end. Also I could be proud of myself because I left the best I could on the table. 285 APPENDIX E KAYLA’S PROTECTIVE FACTORS 286 Kayla is an enrolled member of the Crow tribe. I have known her since summer 2011, and she graduated from Lincoln High in 2015. Kayla and her mother faced various challenges, including homelessness, during Kayla’s high school years. As a result, Kayla transferred to a bordertown high school and lived with her dad during part of her 11th grade, and then the reservation high school in her home community when she moved back to her mother at the end of that year. Kayla’s mom asked my husband and me if Kayla could live with us at the start of her senior year because Kayla desperately wanted to graduate from Lincoln High. Kayla’s family honored my husband and I at her graduation party with a blanket and expressions of gratitude. Transferring between three high schools and the reasons behind those transfers created additional challenges for Kayla throughout high school, and the need for additional protective factors. She is quite clearly a miracle survivor, graduating in four years from an urban high school, in spite of homelessness and significant absences. In the 18 months following graduation, Kayla struggled to find her footing, temporarily holding three jobs and dealing with other personal issues. For the interviews and scrapbooking aspects of data collection, we met at my house over take out or simple meals and pots of coffee. A cousin who is also one of Kayla’s closest friends came along for the first interview and was a helpful thinking partner. I gained informed consent from both young women. The co-research process for this study, sharing the interviews and especially creating the scrapbook, gave Kayla joy and hope that she had been seeking. As a result, Kayla once again asked my husband and I if she could live with us. We agreed to this. During and shortly after the data collection process, Kayla’s mother and I worked together in supporting Kayla as she embarked on renewed goals including a good job. The following stories of Kayla and her protective factors throughout high school were gathered from six hours of interview and twenty hours of scrapbooking. Her finished scrapbook contains: ● 103 images ● 2 screenshots of Facebook posts ● 2 screenshots of text-messaged jokes ● 2 full pages and 20 student pictures from her high school yearbook ● 1 newspaper article ● 1 poem I used the scrapbook categories created by Kayla as themes for initial analysis. The original order of sections in Kayla’s scrapbook was: ● High School 101 ● Lincoln High ● Native American Club ● Lincoln High Band ● Bordertown High (the school she attended most of 11th grade) ● Youth Group ● Family ● Graduation Concurrent open coding resulted in one further section titled Crossing Borders and Expanding Horizons. Kayla was enthusiastic about this additional protective factor 287 drawn from data across multiple sections. I synthesized descriptions of Kayla’s scrapbook and selected images with interview data as I wrote the narrative summary of her protective factors. I shared a draft version of this narrative with Kayla, to which she made corrections and added suggestions. I then incorporated Kayla’s suggestions to create the narrative summary of findings below. High School 101 Kayla attended High School 101, the two-week summer class for Native students transitioning from middle school to high school. She maintained friendships with many of the 29 students who attended High School 101 with her. As we were reminiscing about some of these friends, Kayla described two of the boys, one of whom is related to her, as “humble and not quiet but they do stick to themselves.” She asked whether Sadie6 graduated after having a baby. When I told her that Sadie did graduate, Kayla’s response was “So awesome!” In addition to the communication skills, college tours and career planning covered in High School 101, guest speakers and activities were included to affirm students’ Native identity. It was this aspect that Kayla remembered most. She enjoyed “seeing everybody else that’s Native” and activities such as putting up the tipi. At the concluding ceremony for High School 101, Kayla was proud to dance in her traditional elk tooth dress. Another part of the concluding ceremony stuck with Kayla. Students pledged to graduate as part of Graduation Matters, a program supported by the Montana Office of Public Instruction. Kayla described the pledge as a genuine commitment and something “to look forward to it, keep your word” even though she admitted, “honestly thought I was not going to, too. I just got out of treatment then.” Kayla kept t-shirts from the high schools she attended and the activities she loved. She was proud to pose in her High School 101 shirt over five years later, at the time of this research. 6 Pseudonym 288 Kayla in regalia, ready to dance Kayla in her High School 101 shirt five years later Lincoln High For Kayla, Lincoln High was a welcoming and positive learning environment. Being Native American, Kayla felt at home at Lincoln because “it was more diverse.” Even though she was occasionally aware of being a minority, she explained, “I was the only Native in a few classes but I didn’t feel different. Well, at first I did, but I would never let it get to me.” In this section of her scrapbook, she includes a photograph of a banner that hangs in the school’s front hallway. The banner displays poetry written by students, celebrating diversity in the school community, including the lines, “I am from Crow beadwork, patterns and colors of the tribe” and “I am from my grandma’s homemade tortillas.” Kayla felt protected by the routines of school life and the safe space offered by Lincoln High. “I had a routine every day when I was at school,” said Kayla, even down to planning her route from class to class, up and down three floors and via her locker. She explained, “when I’m myself, I’m organized.” There were some periods when Kayla and her mother had to find new housing or Kayla was enduring other ordeals in her personal life. Of those times, she said “honestly, like, for a while there I went to school just to get out of the house, to be in “a good environment.” Kayla included a picture in her scrapbook that she had on her phone. It makes a joke about “Indian Time” and relates to her awareness of the challenge she and other Native students faced when transitioning between the fluidity of time in their home communities and the strict sense of time and schedules in urban high schools. The extreme challenges outside school meant that Kayla was particularly appreciative of caring adults. One such person at Lincoln High was Kayla’s Assistant Principal, Mrs. Floyd, whom she described as “very loving.” Mrs. Floyd was clear and firm with expectations about behavior and effort, which Kayla wanted as part of the routine and safe space of school. At the same time, Mrs. Floyd developed a caring and 289 trusting relationship so that Kayla could confide in her about personal hardships. Kayla remembered “plenty of times walking into her office, and it was, I was in trouble or I was crying or just needed somebody to talk to.” The Assistant Principal knew when Kayla was dealing with financial hardships that made attending school more difficult, and was therefore able to address these needs with funds and programs for all students in need at Lincoln High. She’d help me with gas cards. I was like, ‘Oh my gosh. You guys do this kind of stuff? I can’t believe it. When my mom was going through a lot. When she wasn’t doing too well, I guess Mrs. Floyd was there. I was another caring adult who made a significant difference to Kayla. After meeting her during High School 101, I became her mentor in 10th grade as part of the mentor program for American Indian students at Lincoln High. Like other mentors, I tried to get to know Kayla on a personal level, asking about her interests and spending some time with her at lunch and during the Homework Help sessions after school. One picture in the Lincoln High section shows her working beside me at Homework Help. She explained that all of this was helpful, “even down to having coffee.” Kayla remembered me attending the shared lunch that is held once a semester for mentees and their mentor teachers. In some ways, the regular mentor activity of checking grades with students was unpleasant for Kayla because, for her, that “was being reminded of my stuff.” Still, she said, “it helped a lot because I still went there for some reason.” Kayla appreciated “having somebody there to talk to, or being close to.” My role as a caring adult in Kayla’s life developed in an unexpected ways when she and her mother asked if Kayla could come and live at my home to start her senior year. Although she missed her family, the stability and care that my husband and I provided was a protective factor. Kayla explained, “that was the longest I held good grades” because she kept good attendance. On the inside cover of Kayla’s scrapbook, she placed a poem that she found titled “Heroes”. This poem represents her experience of heroes as people who are not necessarily “easy to recognize by their fancy uniforms and shiny medals.” In sharing about the important role that caring adults have played in her life, Kayla wanted to read the entire poem to start of our third interview. Here is the last stanza: Now I understand they’re just ordinary people with extraordinary hearts. Hearts that reach out to a stranger in need without expecting to be noticed and without ever realizing the life-changing difference they have made. Making the connection from the poem to my relationship with her, Kayla said “You’re one of the biggest heroes ... you’re a gentle hand, a listening ear, a healing touch ... Hearts that reach out to a stranger. Without expecting to be noticed. Without ever realizing the life changing difference they have made. That’s you.” The relationship between Kayla and I became one that extends far beyond the professional role of an educator, but it began at Lincoln High in programs that are available to many students. Kayla related the words of the poem about heroes to other teachers at Lincoln, including her band teacher and two social studies teachers. She was aware that her 10th grade English and Math teachers were “always visiting about me”, which she said was “ok, cause I was close to both of them.” In two interview sessions, Kayla spoke about 290 her 9th grade earth science teacher who would wave and say “hi” years later when she saw him around town. This surprised Kayla, who remarked that, “because he always remembered me, I remembered him.” The importance of caring adults at Lincoln comes into clearer perspective when one considers that at the reservation school Kayla attended until 5th grade and to which she returned for the end of 11th grade, there was “a lot of family” and she “might have an aunt or uncle or grandma working in the school. And I remember looking forward to that. You have somebody to run to.” Kayla remembers individuals stepping out of the line of teachers through which students walked on graduation day. She remembered that Mr. Monty “came out and grabbed me and gave me a hug. I was like, man, that’s what teachers do!” She also recalled how Mrs. Floyd “looked back at me and smiled at me real big when she was going to hand me my diploma.” These postcard moments in Kayla’s mind were culminating expressions of the care and encouragement she experienced from most of her teachers, especially a few caring adults who reminded her of the poem “Heroes” from the inside cover of her scrapbook. Friends also provided protective relationships at Lincoln High when they brought happiness, and especially when they encouraged her attendance and academic goals. Kayla include six pictures of her with friends during her time at Lincoln High, most of them in and around school. Many of Kayla’s friends are either relatives or she claimed them as family, which is consistent with her Crow culture, so further discussion of the protective role of friends is included in the Family section. Credit recovery programs available to Lincoln High students made it possible for Kayla to earn credit in three classes required for graduation that she initially failed: algebra, 9th grade English and US History. She took summer school after her 9th grade and was able to recover her algebra and English credits. Kayla found the summer school self-paced classes offered through computer programs to be relatively easy and she recalled, “I finished really quick.” She also appreciated being scheduled for 10:00 AM sessions, so she could “sleep in a little bit” and still have her “afternoon and then the rest of my day.” During 12th grade, her schedule included another credit recovery class within the school day, which allowed her to recover US History. This was another self- paced class on the computer, but the course amount of curriculum content to be covered presented a challenge to Kayla, particularly the amount of reading she had to do on the computer screen. She was grateful for the assistance and encouragement of the teacher for this class when she “got so bored from staring at the computer.” When Kayla resorted to having her “fingers on the computer and actually reading out loud” to stay focused, her teacher would sometimes sit and read with her. Kayla talked on several occasions during the interviews about her love of learning at Lincoln High, especially when it came to active learning situations and assignments that she found intellectually challenging. She said, for example, “Man, I loved math. I still like math…my favorite would be geometry. It makes a lot more sense to me.” She enjoyed taking time to write major research papers for English and government classes. Kayla recalled the fun of mock Congress with “the whole entire class kind of role playing, like how we were all politicians.” For Kayla, mock Congress was “the best final I ever had” and she still remembers “a lot from that class.” Kayla took band all through 291 high school. It was her favorite class, so she created a separate section for that in her scrapbook. Kayla remembered a significant and helpful example of Indian Education for All at Lincoln High when she studied Sherman Alexie’s The Absolutely True Diary of a Part- Time Indian in Mrs. Kane’s 10th grade English class. Kayla appreciated how this novel addressed stereotypes that are “still there” in very realistic ways. The main character, Junior, faces criticism from members of his tribe when he transfers to the White school off the reservation in search of hope and better educational opportunities. Kayla related to this because she said one of her childhood friends “seemed really mad when I left” and asked Kayla, “What’s wrong with you?” That friend stopped talking to Kayla. In terms of the struggles with addiction faced by characters in the novel, the high number of road accidents and many funerals, Kayla “related a lot” and felt that Alexie “didn’t sugar coat anything.” In the twelve weeks that Kayla lived with me, her family was affected by several funeral, two of which Kayla attended. Grief is shared in Kayla’s Crow community. She explained, “On the rez, any time somebody passes away, people in the tribe will help out for what they can.” Overall, Kayla felt affirmed by Alexie’s novel and that it “helped a lot for people to understand…probably teachers too.” Kayla did not always experience IEFA as something positive. She recalled at least one class at Lincoln where IEFA felt forced and she felt over-identified. It “was required for everybody” and Kayla “didn’t like getting questioned” because as she explained, “I don’t know everything and there’s different types of Natives.” Implementation of IEFA in a way that was comfortable and interesting for Kayla often depended on “who’s talking.” On the other hand, Kayla expressed that the inclusion of Native culture in the curriculum and school celebrations “ just seemed right. It felt good being recognized. Everybody else was recognized.” This comment was made in reference to Hispanic students being able to take Spanish classes in Sapphire. Kayla thought it was “kind of cool when we put up the tipi” during middle school and them “seeing more and more come up at high school.” Kayla’s family members also noticed and enjoyed seeing the tipis around town and knew could tell which tribe had put them up. Her Crow relatives once commented, “Whoever did that is Blackfeet.” Kayla in one of her Lincoln High t-shirts. Kayla working at Homework Help with me. 292 Kayla and a friend in detention, 9th grade. Visual joke from Kayla’s phone. Native American Club Kayla’s scrapbook contains three pages about Lincoln High’s Native American Club with group photos and activities. Native Club activities had a positive effect on Kayla and her friends when it provided a sense of community and fun. One friend who struggled at school “would get so excited” about baking for a Native American Club bake sale fundraiser. In the Native American Club section, Kayla includes three pictures of herself in traditional regalia. In one of of these pictures, she was participating in the Sapphire school district “Honoring Our Youth Powwow” which Native American Clubs from the high schools helped to organize. Another photo shows Kayla and friends in regalia ready to represent Lincoln High’s Native American Club in a pep assembly. Kayla is also pictured dancing in her traditional regalia at the university powwow when she was the 10th grade representative for Native American Club. These activities were very important to Kayla and her sense of self as a Crow student living off the reservation and attending an urban high school. Having Native American Club and stuff and being reminded, because I forgot a lot of things about my own culture and stuff, and so when I first started going to Native American Club, I started thinking, I haven’t done this in a long time or oh, I forgot about this. It helped me appreciate more who I am too. A lot. When Kayla dressed in regalia and paraded with other club members for a Lincoln High pep assembly, teachers and students admired and praised her. Representing culture in this was informative and eye opening for others in the school, as “some teachers were surprised.” The protective factor offered by Native American Club and cultural celebrations embraced by the school community is particularly important considering that in the school Kayla attended on the reservation, Native culture was an everyday source of joy and connectedness. Kayla described a regular substitute teacher in the reservation high school she attended at the end of 11th grade as “my grandma but everybody around [town] calls her Carol Kaale,” translated as Grandma Carol. Carol Kaale spoke Crow “and she gets after all the kids in Crow.” She also encouraged the students and often treated them to traditional food such as pemmican, dried meat and frybread that she made. 293 Representing Native American Club at the Celebrate Lincoln Pep Assembly Kayla top left Bronc Band Kayla’s favorite subject throughout school was music, and her band classes at Lincoln provided challenge, community and opportunities that made school more enjoyable and rewarding for her. At the end of 11th grade, she transferred to the reservation school in her home community, where she had attended elementary school until fifth grade. Kayla was disappointed that “a couple years after I left, they stopped funding” for music programs there. In band, Kayla played clarinet and bass clarinet. She became close friends with one particular girl from middle school and maintained that friendship throughout high school “because we were the only two clarinet players” and “she’d teach me, get me to learn fast.” When Kayla was not able to practice at home, this friend would stay after school to practice with her. Pep band was another opportunity for camaraderie. Although students earned extra credit for participating in pep band, Kayla went because “it was fun, being with the community and the school and band mates.” She also said that attending pep band probably kept her out of trouble. Kayla stated as a matter of fact, “they don’t have a lot of our history in the history books,” but was excited to share with me a powerful learning example of learning Native history when she learned about the Trail of Tears, referring to the forced removal of the Cherokee to Oklahoma in 1838-1839. Her band teacher chose a piece of music titled “Trail of Tears” composed by James Barnes Chance for a concert performance. In preparation, the students studied the history, and Kayla was one of the few students who had not previously heard of this tragic story “until the middle of high school.” She explained, “I was reading it and I was like, the Trail of Tears? They’re Native American?” Kayla asked if she could be one of two students to read the historical 294 context before the band played this piece, and her band teacher agreed. Kayla loves all types of music from classical to heavy metal and expects that her passion for music will be lifelong; she explained that even if she does not play an instrument for ten years, “it will always be there.” Music appeals to Kayla because it is “always challenging,” such as changes in tempo and volume, especially when playing in concerts. Being in band led to a wonderful opportunity during 10th grade. Kayla and her band mates traveled to Los Angeles on a field trip to Universal Studios and Disneyland, where they participated in workshops and recorded a film score. Students also enjoyed recreational time at Santa Monica Pier. Eligibility to attend the field trip included attendance and passing grades, which motivated Kayla in these areas. She explained, “I was failing in a class, then I did some overtime before we left.” Lincoln High was awarded a plaque from Disneyland, and that same 10th grade year, the Lincoln High Music Department was the recipient of a prestigious Grammy Signature School Award. These opportunities in band made Kayla want to come to school and try harder. They also created memories she treasures. She is proud that the plaque and Grammy are displayed in the school for “more people and the upcoming” students to see. Kayla with the Grammy she helped to win, her clarinet and bass clarinet 295 Bordertown High School (and Reservation High School) When she graduated from Lincoln High, Kayla required credits earned at three different high schools, so some of her protective factors relate to her transferring between these schools with credit. Kayla was able to re-take a geometry class she needed in the bordertown school she attended for most of 11th grade. She explained that once her geometry teacher saw that Kayla already had a good understanding of the math, the teacher suggested, “How about just come in on test days.” Kayla described the work in the bordertown school as “a lot easier” than the schoolwork she had done at Lincoln, but “it wasn’t as easy as” the reservation school where she completed 11th grade. When Kayla missed days at the bordertown school, she said, “I could catch up fast.” In history class, for example, “it was all boring work.” Kayla included a photo in her scrapbook of a pile of student worksheets, resources available from the textbook publisher. Kayla had to do complete these multiple choice worksheets after a period of absence. Kayla described this period of her life as “horrible”, and she cried while talking about it during our first interview. As we continued our interviews, and especially as we compiled the scrapbook, Kayla was able to also focus on the protective relationships during this period, particularly with her father and relatives on and near the reservation. She stayed at the homes of different relatives and friends for a couple of weeks. In this section of her scrapbook, she included screenshots of jokes that family members sent her. Another picture she took late one night after work when she went to stay at her aunt’s house and found plastic letters spelling out the message, “Erbs Kayla” to the refrigerator. “Erbs” is a Crow slang expression meaning “jokes”. A pile of “easy” make up work for history 296 Cheerful message on aunt’s refrigerator Kayla and her cousin going to prom at the bordertown high school Youth Group Kayla’s Christianity is a strong protective factor in her life. Her Pentecostal church in Sapphire has an active youth group that Kayla attended throughout high school. They offered “tons of activities” on Wednesday evenings as well as “conferences and 297 Bible camp and a lot of things were school related,” explained Kayla. The Youth Group section of Kayla’s scrapbook includes pictures of many smiling young faces, a pie fight, youth performing skits, and the bus going to Bible camp. Kayla’s youth pastor “would come and have lunch with us on Wednesdays.” During 10th grade, Kayla also participated in a “6 o’clock in the morning praying around the flagpole” at school with people from her church, “praying for the students, community, anything.” Youth group and church provided Kayla with friends who were positive influences, including at school. Her prayer life has always been a major protective factor, as she explained, “even when you’re not going through hard times, prayer is the answer. You pray about being thankful.” Bible camp Pie fight at Youth Group In some situations, Kayla carefully chose which aspects of Native American spirituality she felt comfortable practicing, or approached them in ways that did not compromise her Christianity. Her Crow culture is very important to Kayla, including her family obligations and her traditional dancing. She made somewhat of a distinction between culture and tradition, saying “there’s a red line between culture and tradition.” For example, Kayla and other family members go into the sweat lodge, “but if we’re going to pray in there, we pray to God.” Kayla keeps her “culture and certain traditions” while maintaining her Christian faith. She said of other Natives who practice more traditional spirituality, “I’m thankful that people still do that stuff.” Kayla spoke with particular enthusiasm about the overlap she sometimes experiences between her Christian faith and Crow culture, when “things do match in the Bible from what we used to do.” Kayla’s Indian name, Speaks to the Holy One, was given to her by an elder from her Crow community. An accurate Crow translation can only be given by certain tribal members, and Kayla did not have access to that information at the time of writing. She did, however, understand that her name refers to praying in the sacred Bighorn Mountains. One example of Christian faith and traditional 298 spirituality related to the importance of her long hair, which is referred to in the Bible; “But if a woman have long hair, it is a glory to her: for her hair is given her for a covering” (Corinthians 1:15, King James Version). As part of her Crow cultural practice, when her Grandpa John Myron died during 12th grade, Kayla showed her respect but cutting her hair and giving it to her father. Kayla’s two grandfathers had grown up together as friends, and it was her other Grandpa Ardy who braided Kayla’s hair and then cut off the braid. She explained how for Grandpa Ardy, “that was his best friend and he was crying when he cut my hair.” As a Crow and a Christian, Kayla’s expressed her grief and love through the gift of her braid. Another powerful example of overlap between Christian faith and Native spirituality came in the preparation for Graduation. Kayla’s Grandpa Ardy chose a particular eagle feather from a full eagle tail that her family was gifted. Grandpa Ardy selected one feather to bead and wear on her graduation cap, and another to become a prayer fan. The color of the beads, he told me were his good medicine, even though he’s not traditional any more really, but it’s still kind of there… And so on my graduation cap, they found the exact same beads and he said it was ok. This one [the prayer fan] has the medicine, but they got the beads to match it for the cap and used scripture on my cap with these same color blue beads. Nobody else can touch it. Kayla, dad and beaded graduation cap with Grandpa John Myron’s picture Other relatives from Kayla’s home town on the reservation beaded her graduation cap and one woman gifted her with the following Bible verse: “Brethren, be followers together of me, and mark them which walk so as ye have us for an example” (Phillippians 3:17, King James Version). The numerical reference of this verse was also beaded on the cap in the blue color of her Grandpa Ardy’s good medicine. Kayla understands the Bible verse in many ways. As one interpretation, she felt that the aunt 299 who gave her the verse “was saying I’m a pretty good example.” Family The Family section of Kayla’s scrapbook contains ten pages, four generations and a mixture of close and distant biological relatives and many friends whom Kayla claims as brothers, sisters, aunts and more. She devoted the first page of this section to elders; “elders” was the first word Kayla uttered when I asked about her protective factors, and she spoke at length about them. One of her grandpas pictured in the scrapbook was a World War II veteran who earned the Presidential Medal of Freedom in 2009. He was also a tribal historian and scholar, so Kayla called referred to him as “Dr. Grandpa.” His long list of achievements influenced the Sapphire school board to name a middle school in his honor. Kayla explained, “That was cool to be there for the groundbreaking” of the new school with her “amazing” grandpa doing the honors. Kayla’s grandpa breaking ground at the middle school named in his honor When Kayla spoke of heroes, prompted by the poem she chose for the inside cover of her scrapbook, she referred to other family members including “my mom, my Grandpa [Ardy], Grandma Shirley” and especially her Grandpa John Myron who was very involved in her youth. Both Kayla and I spoke about her Grandpa as though he were still living, even though he died during her 12th grade year, because his protective influence felt current for Kayla. “He’s more like my dad,” she explained, “because I didn’t know my dad as long as I knew my grandpa.” He lived right next to her dad, so during Kayla’s difficult 11th grade year, “when me and my dad would fight, I would be at my grandpa’s house.” Grandpa would say, “Just spend the night here” and let her go “brush the horses.” As well as a father figure, Grandpa John Myron was an educational role model for Kayla, since he was “really about education all the time.” Kayla included a page from her grandpa’s high school yearbook and noted that he was in operetta. 300 Kayla’s Grandpa John Myron in his high school yearbook Kayla described Grandpa John Myron as “very wise and humble and humorous.” He held steadfastly to education, family, faith and culture. His wife helped Kayla work on an elk tooth dress and other items of regalia for her powwow dancing. On sewing days, they would share jokes. Grandpa John Myron warned Kayla, “Don’t you marry into these other tribes, or bashttiila (White people)…It’s no good!” As he made this comment, his wife who is from another tribe, scolded him, and grandpa replied, “I forgot about you!” Although their relationship has not always been easy, Kayla spoke about her dad as an elder and a protective factor. Her dad’s academic and athletic achievements inspired her. She explained, “My dad has a whole bunch of plaques from high school.” He was president of the student council, played basketball and was in choir. Kayla like to spend time looking at his trophies and awards. Even when Kayla was struggling with school during 11th grade while she was living with her dad, and struggling with family relationships, his words of encouragement rang in her ears. Kayla remembers him saying, “Because of who we are and your skin and stuff, we have to step up and make sure everything is in black on the paper.” Kayla did not feel judged by him for struggling emotionally and struggling with addiction. At one point after “hopping all over town”, he told her, “You can always come home,” which Kayla did. The words and manner of his encouragement resonated with her, as she heard him reiterate, “Man, Kayla, just get your diploma at least.” Kayla’s parents were not married, but she spoke about both of them with love and gratitude. When Kayla and her mom were going through a difficult time, Kayla’s dad offered helpful advice by telling her, “Whatever happens, don’t get mad at her or anything. Just tell her that you love her.” Kayla made a decision to turn her life around towards sobriety and other healthy choices when her niece was born during 11th grade. Kayla told me the incredible story of how “I stopped drinking because I seen her just like me.” Her niece’s father is not involved. “Just like when I was born,” explained Kayla, “it was only my aunties that were there.” Aunts share the role of mother in Kayla’s Crow culture. Kayla’s sister told 301 Kayla on the phone, “I really need you here.” Her sister was in great pain, and “waited that much longer in labor for me.” Kayla helped deliver her niece and it was “the first baby I seen born. And I got to name her.” Holding her newborn niece and waiting for her to draw her first breath “seemed like the longest three or five seconds” to Kayla. Even before her niece was born, Kayla was happy to help her sister raise their son, but her sense of responsibility increased significantly at the birth of her niece. Kayla and her baby niece Kayla labeled photos, “baby niece” and “baby nephew and my son” in her scrapbook. Kayla marveled at the photo of her newborn niece that she included in her scrapbook, saying “I love how she can like barely open her eyes and see and stuff, and she’s all looking at me in that picture.” Kayla’s sense of responsibility towards her baby niece inspired her to stop drinking and to move back to Sapphire away from unhealthy influences she had accrued in the bordertown. She explained, “I didn’t want to stay around over there anymore because there were so many places I would fall at.” She wanted to live up to her role as aunty-mom and role model. “It kind of goes with that scripture, huh?” she mused with me, referring to the Bible verse that would eventually be beaded on her graduation cap; ““Brethren, be followers together of me, and mark them which walk so as ye have us for an example.” At the top of one scrapbook page, Kayla added a sticker that reads “one big crazy family.” She shared in the interviews that on her mom’s and her dad’s side, she is from two of the largest families in the Crow nation. In fact, she joked with her Grandpa John Myron that it would be difficult to marry a Crow man, given how many prospective husbands are closely related to her. The Crow tribe is like a vast, extended family for Kayla. Their population is approximately 16,000 and approximately half live off the reservation. Kayla has pictures in her scrapbook of herself and her cousin in traditional regalia at powwows with two elected official from the Crow nation’s executive branch, both of whom are relatives. During the interviews, she recalled that at the start of her 12th grade when she was working part time at an oil change business downtown, the Crow Chairman came through. He recognized Kayla as Crow and when Kayla told him who her parents were, “he asked how my mom was.” He also asked where she was going to school and gave her words of encouragement. “Oh!” Kayla exclaimed as she 302 remembered, “He gave me dry meat!” I remember smiling when I saw Kayla post about this on Facebook, the chairman of the tribe giving a young person home made traditional food he had in his truck, along with a pep talk about education. Kayla felt strongly that family can “hurt you the worst” because they are so close to you, but they are also inevitably her strongest allies and protective factors. In addition to the close and extended family members who stepped up as protective factors when she “was always hopping houses” during 11th grade, there are many friends who became family to her. Kayla’s family has adopted some non-Crows in formal ceremonies, and Kayla and others have adopted many people informally. My picture appears in the family section, as part of Kayla’s “big crazy family”; she also added a picture I took of her with my mother to her page for elders. Kayla talked about one cousin whom she loves as a sister. One evening during the horrible period of 11th grade, Kayla “got so drunk and tried to start walking with no shoes and it was winter.” Her sister-cousin found Kayla and made sure she “was warm at least.” Even though this relative herself dropped out of high school, she encouraged Kayla to persist. “Just go to school!” Kayla recalled her saying. Kayla felt that for a number of her close friends whom she claims as sisters and brother, her persistence and graduation “got them excited.” Kayla told similar stories of other friends who “would always just be there to talk with me,” especially “when my mom was all over the place.” Kayla turned to a page in her Family section packed with 16 yearbook photographs of friends, most non-Natives and not all of whom made it to graduation. She explained, “I know a lot on this page that do” experience trauma in their personal lives and still try to persevere at school. Kayla, her mom and sisters Kayla, her dad and little sister Crossing Borders and Expanding Horizons Moving between different parts of her family, and from reservation to bordertown and city has been a reality for Kayla. Even “being with my mom and my dad” is for 303 Kayla, “two different worlds, not just being in Sapphire.” Kayla explained the mixed reactions she felt “when I go back to where I’m from” on the reservation to visit her Grandpa Ardy. Some people greeted her with a friendly “Hey” and wanted to talk for a long time, while the attitude of others seemed to be, “What the heck is she doing here?” Kayla chose to return to Sapphire for her final year of high school although that required leaving her home community and facing the rigorous academic expectations and attendance policies of Lincoln High. She missed aspects of culture on the reservation while she lived in Sapphire, such as family connectedness, Crow language and the “ranch life” her mom and siblings grew up with. Kayla told me about a young man from her home community whom she admired because “he’s traditional, he speaks fluent Crow” and participates in cultural activities such as hand games and arrow tournaments. Kayla regrets that her own cultural knowledge is not deeper. For example, “just even the districts. I don’t even know if I’m Mountain Crow or River Crow,” she said, referring to the bands within the Crow tribe. Off the reservation, some people would learn that Kayla is Crow and “they would ask me questions and I never had the right answers.” Kayla tried to articulate the border-crossing she experiences while learning and living in her different worlds due to cultural differences in “the way we’re taught” and “what makes us different, Native from non-Native.” Even though Kayla “was only there till fifth grade” at the reservation school, the one she returned to for the end of 11th grade, she felt that her way of perceiving and interacting with others was established because “it all starts at home, way back then and it just sticks with us. Like everything good and some things bad.” On the other hand, Kayla appreciated being able to live in the city and have experiences beyond her reservation community. She referred to life off the reservation as being “out there” and explained, “It taught me a lot, being out there.” Going to school in Sapphire allowed Kayla to make friends with Natives from other tribes. She asked two Aaniinin/Gros Ventre students who became her friends, “‘What are you?’ Cause they’re up north and I can tell they’re not from around here,” even by their different slang expressions. Kayla’s scrapbook contains many pictures of Hispanic and White friends too. On her school band trip to Los Angeles, she was found it “fun playing with other people,” many of whom were Asian. Throughout high school, Kayla heard the messages that she has options; she heard this from different people and in different ways. That message was sometimes hard to hear during times of crisis when she was in survival mode. How Kayla received this message seemed to depend on the relationship she had with whomever was talking. Although he did not force or judge her, Kayla recalls her father echoing the importance of choosing education when he told her, “Don’t drop out. You’ll be just like the rest of them. You’ll get stuck here.” Other caring adults like her Assistant Principal and I echoed positive messaging about Kayla’s choices. It is a message that she has continued to seek and internalize since high school. Kayla referred to the words of a close friend who encouraged her when she was feeling hopeless and overwhelmed by negative influences. He told her, “‘You’re not predestined.’ I thought about all kinds of stuff, like whether I was going through right there, or anything positive, or anything I’ve already been through. I was like, ‘I’m not! This doesn’t define me.’” Kayla shared her 304 perception that many of her friends and relatives on the reservation also wanted “to get out and then just be able to go back and visit.” For Kayla, graduating from an urban high school meant “I’m not limited ... There’s all kinds of people and places and a lot more jobs.” 305 APPENDIX F CHAD”S PROTECTIVE FACTORS 306 Chad is an enrolled member of the Crow tribe. I have known him since 2010, when he was a student in my French class and a member of the Native American Club at Lincoln High, which I co-sponsored. Chad graduated from Lincoln High in 2014. He lives on Crow reservation and drove 35 miles each way to attend Lincoln High, except for his 9th grade year when his parents owned a house in Sapphire so that two of their sons could attend Lincoln High more easily. The following stories of Chad’s protective factors throughout high school were gathered from five hours of interviews and 15 hours of scrapbooking. Chad asked if his cousin, Tyus, could join us before the first interview. I knew Tyus from Lincoln High and readily agreed, obtaining informed consent from both young men. Tyus came to all three interview sessions and two lengthy scrapbooking sessions. Although data collection focused on Chad’s protective factors, the close relationship between these two young men meant that Tyus was an excellent thinking partner, sharing the scrapbooking work and occasionally assisting with Chad’s recollections. We met for the first interview at the Sapphire public library. For subsequent sessions, we met at my house, where Chad and Tyus came to feel comfortable and it was easier to work on the scrapbook. We shared meals at two restaurants and also ordered take out food at my home to sustain us through our interviews and scrapbooking. As Tyus began to contribute more to the data collection, especially sharing the scrapbooking work, I compensated both as co- researchers in accordance with Institutional Review Board guidelines. While the scrapbooks of the other two co-researchers in this study developed more like artfully decorated photo albums, Chad incorporated a landscape and seascape themed paper with pictures, thought bubbles and other elements to create some pages that became a new visual composition, beyond a collection of images. His finished scrapbook contains 24 pages filled with the following contents: ● 24 photographs contributed by Chad or me and some copied from his high school yearbook ● 2 copies of pre existing collages made from 12 family photographs ● 10 images sourced from the internet and a one from a postcard ● 4 articles taken from either the Lincoln High School newspaper, a Sapphire newspaper or Indian Country Today ● A handwritten note from author Sherman Alexie to Chad’s family ● A leadership award certificate from a Montana Native American advocacy group ● A quote from the Crow Chief, Plenty Coups I used the scrapbook categories created by Chad as codes for initial analysis. The original order of sections in Chad’s scrapbook categories was: ● Childhood of a Part-Time Indian ● Home Land ● Perspectives on History ● Native Club ● Diversity in the School ● Defending Native American Literature: Sherman Alexie Book Challenge ● Graduation 307 ● Encouraging Influences At the same time as I conducted initial coding using Chad’s scrapbook categories, I coded additional data that seemed relevant to protective factors but did not fit under Chad’s scrapbook section heading as “other important”, which became an additional category, Crossing Borders and Rising to Overcome. I synthesized descriptions of Chad’s scrapbook and selected images and pages from the scrapbook with interview data to write a narrative about his protective factors. I shared a draft version of this narrative with Chad to seek his input in keeping with the collaboration and power sharing which is necessary within CBPR. Chad made corrections and added suggestions using comment bubbles on a Google Document, which I then incorporated to create the narrative summary of findings. Childhood of a Part-Time Indian The title of this first section in Chad’s scrapbook is a reference to Sherman Alexie’s The Absolutely True Diary of a Part-Time Indian. This novel means a great deal to Chad because the protagonist, Arnold “Junior” Spirit, has experiences that parallel Chad’s life in many ways. Junior is born with hydrocephalus, commonly known as “water on the brain”. True Diary was the first book Chad read while recuperating from head trauma caused by a horse riding accident when he was 14. He explained, “When I fell off that horse and I hit that artery, they had to put me in that sedated coma.” As part of his therapy, Chad’s doctors told him, “It will help your reading skills, your brain function more.” True Diary became even more important to Chad during his senior year of high school. He helped to defend the place of Alexie’s novel in the Sapphire’s 10th grade English curriculum when a small group of parents protested to the Sapphire school board, claiming that the novel was inappropriate. Chad’s activism during the book challenge gave him a much-needed focus after his dad was shot in a hunting accident. The section Defending Native Literature explains this protective factor. Six pages in the Childhood of a Part-Time Indian section of Chad’s scrapbook and the childhood stories that Chad shared with me during interviews reveal a loving family who live on their reservation, cherish their Crow culture and have supported each other through some traumatic events. Chad could relate to the teenaged Native American character, Junior, in many respects: recovering from head injury, a close family beset with hardships, resilience and the desire for educational opportunities beyond the reservation. Unlike Junior in True Diary, both of Chad’s parents are college graduates. Chad describes his mom as his “biggest influence.” Her elementary education was made more difficult by the fact that she spoke Crow as her first language and learned English when she went to school. Chad’s mom had her first child during high school, yet “was still able to go and get her Bachelor’s in Business so she is a director of IT at the hospital.” Chad spoke with great admiration about his mom’s emotional resilience and explained that she has been able to “overcome things that deep down have put a darkness inside of us.” Chad described his dad as “really funny, really smart.” Chad’s dad was shot in a hunting accident at the start of Chad’s 11th grade year. Until that point, he was “privileged to have a business on the rez” that was “making good money.” Chad’s family was devastated by his dad’s hunting accident, and “life changed in 308 almost every aspect.” Tyus was playing basketball with Chad on the night of the shooting and told Chad to follow the ambulance; neither of them expected that it was going to Chad’s house. Tyus shared that it seemed “like there was a reason that I was there with my friend.” After the accident, Chad explained, “I was really poor.” Junior in True Diary hitchhiked to school, but Chad said, “I never had to do that, ever.” Chad did sometimes have to “ask people for rides that were going to Sapphire the night before because that was the only way I could get to school.” Chad’s dad narrowly escaped having his leg amputated and struggled to recover physically. Gloominess affected the entire family, but they persevered and supported each other. They came to see the accident as “a blessing in disguise” and an opportunity to “be more careful with how we live our lives.” After struggling with motivation for his studies during his first two years of high school, and after the hunting accident plunged the family into financial crisis, Chad “kicked it into gear” for grades 11 and 12. He found inspiration in the examples of education and hard work his parents had set. He told friends, some of whom were contemplating dropping out, “I’m going to graduate! If my parents are really smart, then I can do this too. There’s no way that I cannot do this.” Chad’s grandmother was another source of inspiration. In her childhood, she “was half deaf and they didn’t have money for a hearing aid,” so his grandmother dropped out of school. Chad explained that his high school graduation was “for my grandma as well. She really wanted this and it’s just not worth it not to try.” Chad’s two older brothers attended school off the reservation, and one of them graduated from Lincoln High. One of them inspired Chad with a love of history, particularly their Crow heritage. This was one reason why Chad knew “so much about where we come from because he [Chad’s brother] wanted to know our culture so much.” Furthermore, Chad attended and graduated from Lincoln High with Tyus and one other childhood friend from the reservation. These three young men grew up together like brothers and also had the benefit of attending a small elementary school on the reservation. Chad said, “those teachers were good. They teach you how to be open, express yourself.” Talking further about this small school, Chad explained that Crow students were affirmed in their cultural identity and history because “they tell you this is where the Natives lived, and this is where your reservation is now.” Tyus went to a different middle school, but the three best friends were reunited at Lincoln High and “were motivated to stay together.” After his father’s hunting accident, and given Chad’s lack of academic engagement to that point, his mom suggested that Chad transfer to the reservation high school during grade 11. However, Chad felt strongly about remaining at Lincoln High. He said that he loved Lincoln and described it as a good school where “the teachers would push for me to graduate.” He was not confident that this would be the case on the reservation because the reservation high school was small and did not have “the funds for what I already saw as school,” for example classes in French and accounting. When Chad insisted, “I can do it. You don’t have to tell me that I have to transfer schools to graduate,” his parents supported his choice. They had faith in him and they had raised Chad to have faith in himself. I was impressed to hear Chad talk confidently about his 309 academic ability, adding, “I’m a good person and I have integrity.” Chad knew of other students on the reservation who wanted to attend an urban high school, “but they can’t go to school in town.” Chad did not understand the details of districting policies or other barriers. Tyus lived on the county line, so he was able to attend Lincoln. Other families moved into town to access educational opportunities at urban high schools, but as Chad explained, “you have to have the resources for that.” In True Diary, addiction issues affect Junior’s reservation community, including members of his family. Chad shared that some members of his own family have struggled with addiction and that “nobody realizes how messed up it really is” on the reservation. At the same time, Chad expressed frustration that Natives are stereotyped, “like we’re all addicts or something.” Tyus expressed the view that “a lot of Natives are stuck in mourning and that keeps us from progressing.” Chad’s views echoed Junior in True Diary when he talks about the grief of Indians who “have LOST EVERYTHING. We lost our native land, we lost our languages, we lost our songs and dances. We lost each other. We only know how to lose and be lost” (Alexie, 2009, p. 173). Chad understood grief and some unhealthy coping behaviors in the context of federal Indian policies and historical trauma (refer to chapter 2 for further explanation), but like Junior, he was incredibly resilient in pursuing his education and hope. After Tyus talked about “systematic oppression” inherent in the creation of reservations and how “we never really drank before that, before the colonists,” Chad added, “But you can’t lay there, mentally.” Chad’s described his home community on the reservation as a haven of culture and family connection, but one affected by historical trauma and lack of opportunities. His family was afflicted twice by life threatening illness and financial crisis that jeopardized his education at Lincoln High. Throughout his childhood, and especially during these difficult times, Chad was protected by the love of his family and his parents’ examples of hard work and pursuing education. His elementary education prepared him with a sense of confidence in his cultural identity, and his two best friends who went with him to Lincoln High. 310 Chad, his dad, brother and cousin 311 A page from the Childhood of a Part-Time Indian section: gun representing Chad’s father’s hunting accident. Chad with mom, brothers and grandma Home Land The Home Land section of Chad’s scrapbook captures his love of Crow country and the protective factors provided by his ancestors and culture. Chad’s family lives on a street that bears their name. Chad shared extensively about the importance of sacred lands both on and off the reservation, including the Bighorn Mountains, the Crazy Mountains, and the Pryors. He also lamented that there is “so much sacred land that is not ours anymore.” For example, he talked about the location of the original Crow 312 agency being close to Livingston Montana, before being relocated to Absarokee and finally its current location in Crow Agency. Aware that the reservation size has been reduced by millions of acres since the Crow first signed a treaty with the United States government, Chad felt strongly about the importance of protecting the remaining land base because “It’s all we have left.” In social studies classes at Lincoln High, Chad once compared the importance of the Bighorn Mountains for Crow tribal members to the importance of the Mormon tabernacle for members of that faith; a sacred place off limits to outsiders. Chad expressed his firm opinion that “people should respect that” and wants tribal members and leaders to stop “letting people use what we can use fundamentally for the tribe.” Chad and his cousin horse riding on his Crow Homeland Chad knows his family history back four generations on both sides. In sharing the cultural tradition of oral history, Chad explained, “it’s a big thing to know what you’re talking about.” Growing up, Chad’s grandmother told him stories about his relatives, including the story of his adopted Nakoda/Assiniboine ancestor, Girl Wolf House, who escaped an abusive French fur trapper husband and travelled on horseback to Crow Country, where she met up with Chad’s great-great grandfather and then raised Chad’s great-grandfather. Chad included an old time photograph of a Native American woman in his scrapbook to represent “the woman that raised my great-grandpa, that created the beautiful family who is here” and also to represent “every Native woman that had to go through so much.” Chief Plenty Coups (1848-1932) was an important influence on Chad. Chad had been told two versions of Plenty Coups’ vision quest during which a “buffalo man” showed the chief a vision of how “buffalo started coming inside the ground”; when they re-emerged, there were “cows everywhere instead of buffalo.” This vision foretold the coming of White people and “a lot of injustice.” Chief Plenty Coups also received the understanding that the Crow people had to “keep this land” and “be like the chickadee and not flee when the time comes.” Chad explained, “the chickadee became his medicine 313 after that.” The chickadee doesn’t leave for the winter. They use other birds’ nests as their own. There are pictures of Chief Plenty Coups on his wagon going from Edgar, Montana to Pryor and he would have chickadees on his back and he would sing along with the chickadees. Chad included in his scrapbook a picture of a chickadee and one of Chief Plenty Coups. Looking at this page, Chad described Plenty Coups with great respect and pride: “Here’s our leader, and I know he’s not in some big house, in a suit. No he’s on a horse and wearing traditional clothing.” On the same page is a photograph of Chad’s great- grandpa Tex “in almost the same regalia” as Plenty Coups. “I love this page a lot,” explained Chad. During the interviews, Chad mentioned Chief Plenty Coups’ quote, “With education, you are the white man’s equal. Without education you are his victim.” Chad valued education about his Crow heritage and oral history as a protective factor. Chad “wasn’t going to be a victim” of Eurocentric textbooks that sugar coated American History or of teachers who deferred to such textbooks. 314 Page from Chad’s Scrapbook: chickadee, Chief Plenty Coups’ Medicine, Native girl representing Chad’s ancestor Girl Wolf House, Chad’s Grandpa Tex (Indian name, Horse Long Bangs) and Chief Plenty Coups. Chad had a favorite saying that he reiterated throughout the three interviews: “You are loved by the blood of a thousand before you.” Chad elaborated, “Your blood has been here for generations before you, from the dawn of time, and now you’re here. It’s our time.” Chad’s Indian name is Iitachi’sash, meaning Never Alone. Chad told me that his name applied somewhat to the physical realm, and my mind went to Tyus’ partnership with Chad throughout our co-research and their togetherness throughout their school years. Chad clarified that Never Alone is “more on a spiritual basis.” Chad feels 315 the love of his ancestors. His knowledge of his history has been a protective factor when he dealt with negative stereotypes of American Indians and a lack of knowledge of about Crows and Native issues. Chad explained, “You have to be comfortable in your own shoes and comfortable with somebody giving you knowledge…But sometimes you can realize that you can be the master or teacher.” Perspectives on History In addition to knowledge of his family history and ancestors, Chad shared knowledge about many aspects of federal Indian policy. The broad sweep of his historical knowledge was punctuated by specific examples from his own family. Chad gave examples of “a cultural genocide and a physical genocide against hundreds of Indigenous tribes” followed by policies of “forced assimilation.” Information about American Indians in history classes was largely absent or biased, in the experience of Chad and Tyus. Tyus recalled learning about the Columbian Exchange in world history, “about how different fruits were switched…but they act like we’re not really educated enough to learn about what really happened.” Chad agreed, adding that there was insufficient attention given in history classes to “how our cultures mess up other people’s cultures.” Chad’s perspective was that knowing about evils committed in history “lets us know how to be prepared for things.” By far the most egregious aspect of American history, especially in the way that it was presented to Chad in classes, was the concept of Manifest Destiny. Chad was offended by what he read and heard, that “these people in wagons were these innocent people going to their home.” Chad’s firm view was that “they were going onto the Native American lands. It’s a war, but it’s not looked at like that.” When Chad tried to express his perspective, he felt “shot down” by a teacher whose attitude was, “We’re not going to talk about it,” according to Chad. He recalled one friend in that class supporting him saying, “True Chad, true.” Other students made comments or gave looks to the effect of, “Get over it!” Chad recalled one student in his United States History class echoing the concept of Manifest Destiny by saying, “This land is meant for us.” Chad said, “I almost punched him in the face.” Chad expressed an awareness that the actions of the United States against American Indians were in keeping with human history. He explained, “It’s normal for people to fight over land because it’s the breadbasket of the world, but to not teach how this war on Native Americans went down, then that’s what I’m mad about.” 316 First page of the Perspectives on History section from Chad’s scrapbook Chad included four pages in his Perspectives on History scrapbook section. The first of these prominently features the painting “American Progress” by John Gast that both Chad and Tyus recalled discussing in history class when studying Manifest Destiny. Chad added horns and a tail to the central figure in the painting as a way of expressing his view about “this angel guiding the people.” From Chad’s perspective, the figure representing Manifest Destiny was a “demon destroying what was here before.” Chad added stickers including a pirate ship with American colors and a word bubble saying “epidemics” on the beach themed scrapbook paper to represent the “oppression” that “came from over the seas” and “the blood that was spilled.” Faces of four historic Native leaders replacing the Presidents on Mount Rushmore represented “All Natives” who were “the founding inspiration of why” Chad created this page in his scrapbook and why he 317 chose to speak up about Native perspectives throughout high school. Chad shared his knowledge and thoughts about the Assimilation era of federal Indian policy, especially the boarding schools where generations of Native students were sent, often forcibly. Even though Chad said, “I follow the Bible,” he resented the “systematic oppression” designed eradicate Native culture and “the other different religions.” He talked about “evils” committed by missionaries against Native American youth in boarding schools. Chad described the process of colonization as others trying to “take your land. They are trying to just rip who you are out of you.” Sharing his thoughts on the reservation system, Chad compared it to pharmaceutical drug advertised on television. Reservations have in many ways preserved Native cultures and languages from extinction, so Chad compared them to “those pills on TV” that “will help you.” However, he also knew from his family history that when the reservations were created and reduced in size, “people had to move from all over these places to live on this little piece of land and they couldn’t leave.” Extending his metaphor of the reservation to a life saving medication, Chad added that the “pill” of the reservation system “has side effects, may cause blood clots that lead to paralysis” and “you might not be able to move for the rest of your life.” Under another federal policy of Termination and Relocation from 1953-1971 (MOPI 2001, p. 7), Chad’s told of how his grandparents on his mom’s side “had to go through the Indian Relocation Act.” They were sent to Los Angeles, where Chad’s grandpa worked “in the stock yards in east LA.” Having heard his grandparents’ stories, Chad saw the Relocation Act as “each and every household” experiencing “their own Trail of Tears because they’re getting pushed off the reservation.” Chad grieved that the forced assimilation of the Relocation Act was in part successful because “a lot of things got lost.” Chad’s view was that is was impossible to undo the effects of relocation once Native families learned “exactly what it’s like out there in the city life.” Chad’s knowledge of oppressive treatment of minorities was not limited to American Indians. He spoke at length about African Americans, the history of slavery and their struggle for civil rights, saying, “they are our brothers.” He also spoke briefly about the need for “feminism because I think we should all be equal.” Chad was inspired by Native American history. He reflected on his motives in protest actions, such as writing to the school board, but decided “I know deep down I’m not doing it to be rude or mean.” Chad talked about Americans who live a comfortable life of privilege, saying, “I want them to know they should have a smile on their face.” Equally, Chad expressed the wish that such fortunate people be aware that “the reason why you’re so happy is because so many other people have not been happy.” He was aware that some people would perceive his views as “un-American.” For someone to say that, they’d be, “Go back to your homeland.” But I’m on my homeland, and I want you guys to know that I feel very good about myself and my confidence, knowing that I can create something that spits more truth than a teacher at some high school. Gratitude was a mindset that Chad wished for all people. He explained, “When I look at somebody, I look at myself. I’m like, ‘Chad, be happy. Be grateful for what you have. It could be a lot worse. And it could be a lot better.’” He was grateful for “the long 318 line of people we come from” and for the material comforts that he and his family enjoy. Chad’s mom nurtured this attitude of gratitude. She always shows me old pictures and she’s like, “Chad, look at this.” And there’s one picture that’s my mom’s favorite picture ever…It’s an old Native lady with two big bundles of sticks and she’s old, she’s wobbling from side to side and it’s snowy out and her tipi is underneath these two trees and my mom is all like, “Just getting inside our car is a luxury.” Ironically, knowledge of oppression was a protective factor for Chad. He explained, “It’s kind of tough to say that a big part of why you’re going to graduate is because I’m not going to be that begging person that’s oppressed.” Chad was inspired by learning Native perspectives of history and “knowing that you deserve more.” However, he also stated, “Nobody should think that everything should be handed to them. We should all be able to work and do what we need to do for ourselves, being grateful for what we have.” Native Club Four pages in Chad’s scrapbook are dedicated to Lincoln High School’s Native American Club, with group photographs of club members and club sponsors in a variety of activities, including Indian taco sales and hand game tournaments. Chad was not often able to attend Native American Club because he had to work after school and make the 35-mile trip home to the reservation. However, he valued the times that he could attend Native Club, and was proud to see Native American Club members dancing and parading at assemblies. It was important to Chad that “other kids saw it too and were like, wow! We’re still out here, kicking it. We’re still here. It helps everybody know we still have culture. Like Westward Expansion doesn’t mean that we’re gone.” Diversity in the School Sapphire is “pretty much all White, a little bit of Natives and a little bit of Mexicans of other minorities,” in Chad’s estimation. With some negative stereotypes surrounding Natives, Sapphire is not an easy place, in Chad’s experience. In general, the population of Sapphire has “no appreciation” of Chad’s Crow culture. I grow up in this culture. I grew up in this way and then I come to a place where my culture is not even known. Like, nothing is known. You guys don’t even know how to say one word in my language. For these reasons, Chad described feeling somewhat “unwelcome”on some occasions in Sapphire, although he qualified this assessment by adding, “Not me exactly, because I know who I am. But I feel like there are some kids out there that feel a little lost. They don’t know where they are going because they don’t know who they are.” This accounted for why Chad felt that many Native youth “feel like they have to be at home, with their families” on the reservation, surrounded by culture. Chad compared going to an urban environment for education or work to the Relocation Act. That’s kind of how it is when you go from your culture-based school that is really kind of a poor school and the funds are poor, and when you go to a school in town that’s bigger. It’s kind of like the same thing as being relocated where your culture doesn’t exist. Although Chad did not always feel entirely welcome in Sapphire, he described 319 Lincoln as “a really diverse school and a good school.” Two pages of his scrapbook and many stories shared during our interview to reflect his appreciation of teachers who fostered learning environments where students felt welcome to share their stories, and wanted to see more of this. Chad also spoke well of the other urban high schools in Sapphire where other friends and relatives attended because “we all have the Native American help. We have the Native American Club. We have all these resources.” Lincoln High Students preparing to dance in regalia at a school assembly A number of Chad’s teachers implemented Indian Education for All in ways that engaged him and, from his perspective, enlightened other students. This was particularly the case in his English classes. In 9th grade, Chad students read the Athabascan tale by Velma Wallis, Two Old Women. His 10th grade English teacher who Chad said “loves Natives” taught The Absolutely True Diary of a Part-Time Indian, but Chad and another student who had already read the novel were assigned another Sherman Alexie novel, The Lone Ranger and Tonto Fistfight in Heaven. Chad recalled reading Michael Dorris’ Yellow Raft in Blue Water during 11th grade, and stated that the novel study and class discussions “actually brought out a lot about Native Americans.” He also appreciated his 11th grade teacher sharing her knowledge on Crows as being “matriarchal and monotheistic.” In his senior year, Chad’s English class studied Fools Crow by James Welch. Although this was not an easy novel for many students to understand and appreciate, Chad stated that “there were definitely interesting understandings” as a result of reading Fools Crow. Chad had some history and social studies teachers who invited students to “look at things from different angles” and approached Native American issues with cultural sensitivity. One of his history teachers grew up on the Crow reservation and “speaks a little Crow,” which Chad greatly appreciated. Although Chad took issue with the way Manifest Destiny was taught with little or no consideration of the Native perspective, he said that on other issues, his social studies teachers were more open to diverse viewpoints. For example, during preparations for Mock Congress, his government teacher allowed students to hold an impromptu debate on the pros and cons of installing 320 condom machines in the girls’ and boys’ bathrooms. Chad felt very comfortable expressing his views in psychology where Mrs. Shell’s teaching “actually got me to think how America is founded and how things are perceived.” Psychology class was “one place I could go and talk to people about my train of thought and how I perceive things.” He cited a particular lesson where students read and responded to a poem titled, “Paint Me As I Am,” which explored emotions and human behavior. Chad interpreted the poem differently from other students, but “Mrs. Shell didn’t want us to think that the poem had one particular meaning.” Chad explained, “I think that was the day I realized, you can look at things differently.” One of his non-core classes, a technology class, was enjoyable for Chad because “you could talk about different cultures.” The teacher, Mrs. Bottega, allowed students to choose the content of a project, so Chad took the opportunity to share information about the Crow clan system with fellow students in a video presentation that he created. Chad enjoyed cultural diversity beyond IEFA, and also took the opportunity to research a region of Italy for a different project in his technology class. Summarizing IEFA implementation at Lincoln High, especially by his English teachers, Chad comments, “all these teachers have done something great.” In addition to curriculum content, Chad pointed to the importance of culturally responsive pedagogy and respectful classroom communities. When their 11th grade English class was reading Huckleberry Finn, he expressed concern over the dated and racist language in Mark Twain’s novel, specifically reading the word “nigger” aloud. Students including Chad and Tyus asked, “Are we ok to say this? We were an all White class.” When Chad’s teachers were able to get students “to appreciate and respect each other,” students were able to share about their cultural background and views. For his fellow Native students in urban high schools, many of whom Chad described as “shy”, he wished that more of them would “feel comfortable speaking about what they think is ok and what’s not ok.” If this required disagreeing with a Eurocentric concept in a textbook or a perspective shared in discussion, Chad wanted other tribal members to “learn to stand up and fight it, but not being rude. Just saying, ‘Hey, I’m not comfortable with that in the classroom.’” He extended his desire for empowerment and voice to students from other subgroups. For example, “If someone is teaching about Latin America, and you have some girl from Chile or Panama or Colombia,” Chad wanted that girl to feel comfortable to say, “No, it’s not like that.” In spite of some frustrations with a lack of Native perspectives in some social studies classes, Chad affirmed that at Lincoln High “There are really cool teachers who…make the classroom a fun place” and help students “learn how to learn.” Chad appreciated the teachers he had who were “over the top” in terms of dedication, their respect for individuality and cultural diversity. He explained, “We need teachers that care.” At the end of our third interview, I invited Chad to ask me any final questions. He asked why I had such a heart for Indigenous Education. After I explained some of my experiences in Australia and Montana, learning from and with Indigenous students and communities, I told him that many of my non-Native colleagues and I feel ill-prepared for infusing multicultural perspectives, even when we have good intentions. Chad 321 understood that it can be hard for many educators “to even approach” IEFA, but believed “it will work out in the long run.” Defending Native Literature During Chad’s senior year, a group of parents protested to the Sapphire school board, requesting that Sherman Alexie’s The Absolutely True Diary of a Part-Time Indian be removed from the 10th grade English reading list due to what they considered inappropriate language and negative depictions of Native Americans. Specifically, they raised concerns about the number of characters who are alcoholic, poor and die in road accidents and other tragedies. I invited Chad to express his opinion to a school board meeting because I knew that he loved True Diary. Chad chose to become an activist on this issue and worked hard to organize support among students, parents and the community. After our initial conversation about the book challenge, he went to art class and discussed the matter with his art teacher, Mrs. Belle. She encouraged him to write to every school board member, which he did with the assistance of his technology teacher, Mrs. Bottega. Chad also took petitions to each high school building in Sapphire. He spoke at a family night for American Indian families at Senior High and gathered petition signatures there also. Chad’s brother helped him create another online petition, and overall he gathered 1,400 signatures in support of retaining True Diary in the curriculum. Chad also contacted media and conducted interviews with the Lincoln High newspaper, two Sapphire newspapers and the national online publication, Indian Country Today. Chad included three of these articles in the Defending Native Literature section of his scrapbook. At the time of the book challenge, Chad was taking Native American Studies through the Montana Digital Academy, and his teacher offered to gather signatures in western Montana. The girlfriend of Chad’s brother was taking a university class in another city and studied the book challenge in one of her classes, with particular mention of Chad’s activism. She told Chad, “I’m really proud that you’re doing that.” Chad spoke in defense of the True Diary at an ad hoc the school board meeting called to deal with the book challenge, along with both of his parents, many other students, teachers and community members, Native and non-Native. The majority of people attending the meeting spoke in support of True Diary. Chad countered the arguments that “this book has vulgar language in it” by pointing out that other approved literature contains mature themes and offensive language. As examples, Chad mentioned the frequent racist slurs in Mark Twain’s Huckleberry Finn. In Until They Bring the Streetcars Back by Stanley Gordon West, the “dad rapes the daughter and puts the baby in the freezer.” 322 Chad’s photo appeared in Indian Country Today with an article on his leadership during the Sherman Alexie book challenge Chad understood that the parent who led the challenge against True Diary did not agree with Alexie’s depiction of reservation life, but in Chad’s opinion, True Diary was “the most representative book” dealing with contemporary Native life. He expressed admiration for Sherman Alexie as a Native American who is “doing so much” for all Natives. Chad knew from experience that “kids come in every single day” for school, like Junior in the novel. The struggles faced by Junior and his family show “how much harder we work to come into town to earn money” because “there’s not a lot of money on the rez.” Chad also saw the realism in Alexie’s depiction of racism, especially in towns that border reservations, like Reardon in the novel. He mentioned two bordertowns close to the Crow reservation, saying “there is a lot of racism over there.” Like Junior, Chad also had loyal friends and allies among non-Native students and teachers, many of whom testified alongside Chad at the school board meeting. Chad wanted students in Sapphire to continue reading True Diary and “know that there’s a struggle for education,” a struggle by tribal members “to get what they deserve.” Regarding the alcoholism, poverty and many funerals in the novel, Chad wanted students to “understand that the way things are is not because of perhaps themselves” but often because of federal policies “other people inflicted upon them.” Junior’s grief, struggle, resilience and hope so powerfully resonated with Chad’s life stories. His message during the book challenge was, “Don’t whitewash anything. Don’t water it down.” One parent who spoke at the school board meeting made a particularly positive impact on Chad when she stated that she wanted to be able to discuss literature and ideas with her child, without expecting that her child develop the same opinion as her. Upon reflection, Chad explained, “another protective factor was just knowing that there are people out there that are really upfront with their kids” and it helped him “grow up a little bit, to hear that lady talk.” 323 Throughout the book challenge, Chad said that a protective factor was knowing “that I had help, I could call some people, or I know that there’s people that care, in general.” A parent who heard Chad speak at the Lincoln High Indian Education family night reached out to Chad and said, “I want to help you.” Lincoln High administrators awarded Student of the Month honors to Chad for his activism throughout the book challenge. A Montana Native American advocacy group also presented Chad with a leadership award at the graduation barbeque held by the Sapphire’s Indian Education department for for Native American graduating seniors. Chad even received a handwritten note from Sherman Alexie thanking him and his family “for supporting and defending my book.” Note from Sherman Alexie Chad explained that focusing on the book challenge gave him something “to look forward to” a year after his dad’s hunting accident when he was “just kind of gloomy about situations that were unfolding at the house” and “struggling to make it to school for gas.” He added, “It made me dedicate myself.” It made him happy to “go that far and even speak at the school board meeting.” Chad felt encouraged when so many teachers, parents and community members “said ‘Good job!’ because I did something.” Chad’s ultimate reward was the school board’s unanimous vote to retain True Diary in the curriculum. Following his social action for the Sherman Alexie book challenge, Chad felt confident in voicing his perspective on other issues. He explained, “That’s when I realized you can always go to the higher ups…You can always write a letter.” Because of his positive experience during the book challenge, Chad felt confident to write to the school board about the need for including Native perspectives when teaching sensitive social studies topics such as Manifest Destiny, rather than “how they’re teaching out of the book for history.” Encouraging Influences Throughout our three interviews, Chad talked about how he “loved” many classes 324 and many Lincoln High teachers who “try their best and they have a systematic way that is more positive than negative.” Chad was able to appreciate qualities in teachers even when he did not benefit from all aspects of their teaching. He described one of his math teachers as having “a really cool, positive vibe” even though he sometimes felt disregarded when he asked questions. Another teacher whom Chad found authoritarian in manner was appreciated for how she was prepared to “get with you individually” to go over concepts and skills. Chad also appreciated teachers who would share real world knowledge, such as tips for saving money, etc. Chad spoke with great appreciation about Mrs. Shell, a teacher who “genuinely cares,” and could “make kids feel protected” because students know that she “wants them to have a good life, doesn’t want them to be what society thinks they’re going to be.” One disadvantage in Chad’s view of having such a caring teacher was that some students were “scared to have a different teacher.” Chad took accounting for three years, and his accounting teacher, Ms. Ferry, was his mentor in 9th and 10th grade. She would ask him about “family life and how things were going” as well as his grades and why he was struggling in some classes. Sometimes Chad’s mentor would tell him, “You need to come up to my room and work on this project after school.” Although the mentoring program did not figure prominently in Chad’s recollections of high school, he said that “she was a good mentor.” In his senior year, Chad “busted in gear” to recover four classes that he failed in 9th or 10 grade. “I couldn’t fail anything at all,” he explained. Chad took “really time consuming” online self-paced courses for credit recovery class. He appreciated the credit recovery teacher, Mrs. Underwood, saying “she really helped me” and she was “hard on us.” Chad felt that Mrs. Underwood’s balance of help and high expectations was effective because “we were the kids that failed our classes.” Another elective credit was earned as work credit from 100 hours of pay stubs at Chad’s part time job. In addition to the credit recovery class, Chad had to take a physical education class before school to give him another credit needed for graduation. The teacher for this conditioning class, Coach Burnett, realized that Chad was travelling 35 miles to school and occasionally made allowances for attendance and punctuality, telling Chad, “That’s pretty hard to wake up an hour before these kids and come in and do what you’re doing.” This teacher also pushed Chad to achieve. Chad explained, “he knew I had it in me not to be this chubby, lazy kid that doesn’t know how to work out.” Chad felt “motivated to go to school more” because he knew he could be healthier. He quit drinking sugary drinks, lost weight and felt his fitness improve. Chad mentioned two other gym teachers who also encouraged him and understood that he could have played sports and applied for athletic scholarships if it were not for the injuries he sustained in a horse riding accident at age 14. On the Encouraging Influences page of his scrapbook, Chad included a sample of teachers and school friends who were protective factors, including Mrs. Shell, Mrs. Belle, Ms. Ferry and Coach Burnett. These teachers supported Chad’s goals is different ways, whether it was encouraging him to raise his voice at the Sherman Alexie book challenge, creating classroom communities where students could explore multiple perspectives on topics, or helping him to improve his physical fitness. They were teachers with high 325 expectations, who Chad knew would “push for me to graduate” when necessary. Since Chad was confident in discussing pedagogy from the perspective of a Native student, I asked him if he identified aspects of teaching styles that are particularly important for the success of Native students. He replied, “That’s a hard one because Natives, they’re people too.” We continued to ponder this question throughout our interviews. Tyus also appears on this page of Encouraging Influences, along with a sample of other important school friends, Native and non-Native. Tyus was there for Chad throughout his school years and on the night when Chad’s father was shot. They shared a pride in their Crow culture, as Tyus explained, “We’re still strong and we’re fighting for what we believe in and we haven’t lost our culture.” Chad turned to his friends for extra support during the last two years of high school after his father’s hunting accident, when he was supporting family members emotionally, recovering credit in several classes and supporting himself financially. He stayed for prolonged periods with one non-Native friend in Sapphire and turned occasionally to others as well. Crossing Borders and Rising to Overcome Chad expressed the view that “a lot of shy Native kids stick together.” Many choose to stay on the reservation “at home with their families” and “where there’s more culture.” He understood that coming to Sapphire sometimes meant dealing with negative stereotypes about Native Americans and a lack of cultural awareness by the mostly White population about his Crow culture, which has been here since time immemorial. Chad said he felt “restricted” in Sapphire, but only somewhat because he was protected by knowing “who I am.” Chad’s knowledge of his family history, Crow culture and the “giant genocide” of federal Indian policy helped him make sense of historical trauma in Indian country. This awareness also inspired him to demand opportunities. Rather than “stand down for a little bit of something,” Chad was inspired to “go for it all.” Chad showed determination in pursuing his education at Lincoln High, following the example set by his parents and older brothers. He was also inspired by the stories and words of Crow chiefs and the desire to honor his grandmother who was denied the opportunity of a good education. Thus Chad was willing to make the 35-mile trip to Lincoln High, even when this created significant financial burdens. Chad identified two turning points during high school, which increased his appreciation of education and opportunity. One “crucial time was my dad getting shot,” a traumatic event that was exacerbated by ensuing financial crisis. When Chad’s mom’s suggested that he transfer to the reservation school because he had “messed up too much” during 9th and 10th grade, Chad insisted on remaining at Lincoln High, saying, “I had my friends. I love Lincoln. It’s a good school.” In a sense, his dad’s accident and the stressful aftermath made Chad appreciate more fully the importance of choice and his ability to cross cultural borders. The threat of not being able to attend his school of choice, Lincoln High, sparked what Chad called “that drive”. When Chad was taking extra classes in his senior year so that he could graduate on time, his guidance counselor also commented that Chad rose to the occasion when he was “under pressure.” Chad identified that “another crucial time was transferring my gloominess to the book challenge” a year after his dad’s hunting accident. Chad switched focus from surviving emotional, financial and academic challenges to actively campaigning for a 326 cause in which he passionately believed: Sherman Alexie’s True Diary as an authentic Native voice within the English curriculum. Chad experienced many protective factors during the book challenge, in the support and encouragement of students, teachers, community members, media, the school board and even Sherman Alexie himself. Like his literary counterpart, Junior in True Diary, Chad showed great resilience when his family was afflicted with hardship. He also showed incredible determination in maintaining his cultural identity while venturing beyond the reservation; he was full of gratitude for the love of his ancestors and the encouragement of good teachers at an urban high school. Chad explained, “to be an urban Indian and to go far in this life, I mean, you get to keep these two worlds together but also separate at the same time.” Chad and friends at Graduation. Chad center. Tyus on his right and his other childhood friend from the reservation on Chad’s left.