Rural Montanans attitudes toward child rearing education, social life and recreation by Donna Rogers Herdina Montana State University © Copyright by Donna Rogers Herdina (1976) Abstract: Attitudes toward child rearing, education, social life and recreation were investigated in a random sample of rural Montanans. Respondents were 134 males and 198 females age 18 or older who lived in 12 randomly selected counties, representing all six geographic regions of the state. The survey instrument included data related to the above elements and to personal background information. Males, those who were older, Protestants, those with larger numbers of children, and those with less extensive education appeared to be more authoritarian in their child rearing attitudes. Mean scores for the sample revealed generally positive attitudes toward education; no personal variables significantly effected this finding. Income and level of education were found to have a significant influence on social satisfaction. Social interaction was significantly effected by sex, marital status, church attendance, number of children, and children between the ages of 0-17 living in the home.  STATEMENT OF PERMISSION- TO COPY In presenting th is thesis in p a r t ia l fu l f i l lm e n t o f the requirements fo r an advanced degree a t Montana State U n ive rs ity , I agree tha t the L ib rary sha ll make i t fre e ly ava ilab le fo r inspection. I fu r th e r agree tha t permission fo r extensive copying o f th is thesis fo r scho la rly purposes may be granted by my major professor, o r, in his absence, by the D irec to r o f L ib ra rie s . I t is understood tha t any copying or pub lica tion o f th is thesis fo r fin a n c ia l gain shall not be allowed w ithout my w ritte n permission. S i g'natu r e , r RURAL MONTANANS' ATTITUDES TOWARD CHILD REARING EDUCATION, SOCIAL LIFE AND RECREATION DONNA ROGERS HERDINA A thesis submitted in p a r t ia l fu l f i l lm e n t o f the requirements fo r the degree ' MASTER OF SCIENCE in Home Economics Chairperson, Graduate Committee Approved: MONTANA STATE UNIVERSITY Bozeman, Montana June, 1976 / i i i ACKNOWLEDGMENT For his professional competency, w illingness to fre e ly give o f his time, and moral support, I fee l very indebted to my Committee Chairman, Dr. Robert W. Lind. Special thanks are extended to Dr. M arjo rie B. Keiser, D irec to r o f Home Economics, Dr. Howard Busching, and Dr. John Schneider fo r th e ir he lp fu l assistance on the Graduate Committee. Enough appreciation cannot be extended to my husband fo r his love, patience, and encouragement during th.e past months o f prepara­ t io n . My accomplishments, to a large exten t, are due to h is support. TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES ........................................................ ABSTRACT................ . CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION ............................ . . . P rob lem ............................................ . H ypo theses ................ ....................... D e fin it io n . . . . . . . . . . . L im ita tions and De lim ita tions . . I I REVIEW OF LITERATURE ........................ H is to ry o f Child Rearing Practices Child Rearing Studies .................... I l l METHODOLOGY ............................................ Sampling Procedure ........................ Method o f C o llecting Data . . . . Analysis o f Data ............................ IV RESULTS AND DISCUSSION .................... Descrip tion o f Sample .................... Examination o f Data ........................ Page vi v i i I 4 5 6 8 . 9 9 15 22 22 23 25 27 27 29 VCHAPTER Page V SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS .......................... 57 Summary ............................................................................................ 57 Conclusions . . . ..........................................................................60 Recommendations ......................................................................... 62 REFERENCES . . ...................................................................................................... 66 APPENDIX................................................................................................................ 71 LIST OF TABLES . TABLE Page 1. Descrip tion o f Sample.................................................................. 28 2. Corre la tion Matrix .................... ...................................................30 3. Corre la tion o f Personal Variables ............................................ 31 4. Corre la tion o f Social In te ra c tion w ith Use. o f Te lephone................................................................... 49 5. Components o f Social In te ra c tion and Social S a t is fa c t io n ........................ ....................................... 52 6. Matrix o f Social In te ra c tion and Social S a tis fa c tion ............................ ................................... 54 v i ' I v i i ABSTRACT A ttitudes toward ch ild rea ring , education, socia l l i f e and recrea tion were investiga ted in a .random sample o f ru ra l Montanans. Respondents were 134 males and 198 females age 18 or o lder who lived in 12 randomly selected counties, representing a l l s ix geographic regions o f the s ta te . The survey instrument included data re la ted to the above elements and to personal background in fo rm ation . Males, those who were o lde r, P rotestants, those w ith la rge r numbers o f ch ild ren , and those w ith less extensive education appeared to be more au tho rita ria n in th e ir ch ild rearing a tt itu d e s . Mean scores fo r the sample revealed genera lly p o s itive a ttitu de s toward education; no personal variab les s ig n if ic a n t ly e ffected th is f in d ing . Income and leve l o f education were found to have a s ig n if ic a n t in fluence on socia l s a tis fa c tio n . Social in te ra c tio n was s ig n i f i ­ can tly e ffected by sex, m arita l s ta tu s , church attendance, number o f ch ild ren , and ch ild ren between the ages o f 0-17 l iv in g in the home. CHAPTER I • INTRODUCTION The fam ily as the basic socia l u n it o f our soc ie ty is the in s t i tu t io n in which the e a r lie s t socia l and psychological develop­ ment o f the ch ild occurs (Sears, Maccoby, & Levin, 1957; Photiad is5 1964; Salk & Kramer, 1969; Sch la te r, 1970; Kelley, 1974). I t has been stated tha t the ch ild learns in his ea rly years, patterns o f behavior and emotional response tha t w i l l be his fo r the re s t o f his l i f e (K e lley , 1974). In other words, the kind o f home in which the ch ild receives tra in in g in these ea rly years w i l l determine in large pa rt the kind o f ind iv idua l he w i l l become. In the past, b e lie fs concerning ch ild rearing have usually had a strong parental o r ie n ta tio n ; parents reared th e ir ch ild ren according to th e ir own needs and values as parents (M ille r & Swanson, 1968). Rapidly occurring socia l change, however, is re su ltin g in a tra n s it io n in ch ild care ( Photiad is , 1964; R itch ie & K o lle r, 1964; M ille r & Swanson, 1968; LeMasters, 1970). Working mothers, fo r example, may have to re ly on persons outside o f the fam ily fo r help in caring fo r the c h ild . The c h ild , as a re s u lt, becomes subjected to a set o f values d if fe re n t from those o f his parents. Pre-schools and/or day care centers introduce the ch ild to d if fe re n t parent models w ith d if fe re n t values. Social organizations in the community (church, 2school organizations,, e tc . ) may also in fluence the c h ild 's s o c ia li­ za tion . Due to technological advances parents may have more time to invo lve themselves in le isu re and socia l a c t iv i t ie s , thereby acquainting th e ir ch ild ren w ith a va r ie ty o f circumstances. Rural and urban people a like are being e ffected by the socia l changes going on in the United States (R itch ie & R o lle r, 1964). According to LeMasters (1970), however, ru ra l parents are in a more d i f f i c u l t pos ition than urban parents. Farm children.-a.reJxejjig subjected more and more to urban values and_the_..urban__wav o f l i f e, .increasing soc ia l distance betweenjjiem^and__±h.eic__p.a.ren±s. Many farm parents are having to prepare th e ir child re n fo r a more urban world ; a world they re a lly do not understand themselves. Kelley (1974) stated: Z The basic economic un ity and interdependence charac- ( . t e r is t ic o f the tra d it io n a l farm fam ily no longer hold \ fam ily members together. School, church, and community, 4 together w ith economic fa c to rs , peer groups, te le v is io n / and mass media, and recrea tiona l a c t iv i t ie s , p u ll the fam ily in many d if fe re n t d ire c tions (p. 536). Economic, techno log ica l, and population changes taking place in ru ra l America may o ffe r an explanation. I t has been stated tha t "Only the well-educated, we ll-financed farm youth can hope to survive in the a g r ic u ltu ra l world o f tomorrow ( LeMasters, 1970, p. 201)." Rising costs o f land and machinery have made i t very d i f f i c u l t fo r people to engage themselves in a g ricu ltu re . The mechanization o f 3the farm has also been a fa c to r in the decline o f the American population engaged in agricu ltu re^ (LeMasters, 1970). Parents rearing th e ir ch ild ren on a farm may re a lize the hardships th e ir ch ildren could face i f they were to fo llow in th e ir parents' foo tsteps. Raising ch ild ren according to parents' own needs and values may not necessarily prepare ch ild ren fo r a kind o f l i f e d if fe re n t from th e ir own. A population s h i f t is also taking place. In 1974s more people moved to ru ra l areas than moved out (Rodale3 1975). This does not mean tha t, people are moving to the farm, but i t does mean they are moving to more sparsely populated areas. The impact o f greater numbers o f people a l l w ith d if fe re n t values and l i f e s ty les may have an e ffe c t on the ru ra l fam ily . A s ig n if ic a n t portion o f Americans l iv e in ru ra l se ttings even though there has been a decline in the percentage o f the popu­ la t io n engaged in a g ric u ltu re . Nationwide3 20 per cent o f the popu­ la t io n l iv e in such areas; in Montana 46 per cent (323,733) o f the to ta l population has been reported as being ru ra l (Johnson, 1974). L i t t le research, however, has been done invo lv ing ru ra l fam ily l i f e s ty le s , p a r t ic u la r ly in the ru ra l west. I f the changes taking place in ru ra l America are e ffe c tin g the fam ily i t seems essentia l tha t we learn what these e ffe c ts are and the a ttitudes o f those involved. 4I t is important tha t we t r y to iso la te in d iv id u a ls ' a ttitudes regarding fam ily l i f e . Only when the problem areas are id e n tif ie d can help be given to deal more e ffe c t iv e ly w ith our changing socia l system. In the coming decades, many issues o f concern to ind iv idua ls and fam ilie s w i l l requ ire new knowledge about the in te rre la tio n sh ip s between man and his physical and socia l environment (S ch la te r5 1970). I t seems tha t the a v a i la b i l i t y and q u a lity o f education and socia l and recrea tiona l resources would help to enrich fam ily l i f e . I t is necessary to discover what people believe about education and about th e ir socia l and recrea tiona l l i f e before we can assess th e ir needs w ith any degree o f accuracy. I f outside socia l forces have an e ffe c t on the fam ily , a lte r in g basic goals and values, the c h ild w i l l also be e ffec ted . Children in today's America grow up w ithout the comfort and support o f a s ing le , u n if ie d , and consistent value system. . . . Any problem which faces the ch ild may be solved d if fe re n t ly by his peers, by his parents, and by his teachers, to name ju s t three. . . This s itu a tio n puts great importance on our need to know. . . how community l i f e a ffe c ts fam ily l i f e and fam ily l i f e a ffe c ts community l i f e ( Kercko ff, 1961, p. 9 ). Problem The purpose o f th is study was to determine the a ttitu de s ru ra l Montanans have toward ch ild rea ring , education, and socia l l i f e and 5rec rea tion ; to measure the co rre la tions o f the a ttitu de s w ith one another, and also w ith ce rta in selected personal va r ia b le s ; and to discuss these find ings . Hypotheses The fo llow ing sp e c ific hypotheses were chosen fo r the study 1. There is a s ig n if ic a n t re la tio n sh ip between a ttitu de s toward ch ild rearing and a ttitu des toward: a. education b. socia l l i f e and recreation 2. There is a s ig n if ic a n t re la tio n sh ip between a ttitu de s toward ch ild rearing and the personal variab les o f: a. sex b. age c. m arita l status d. income ; e. re lig io n ; f . church attendance g. number o f ch ild ren h. ch ild ren between the ages o f 0-17 l iv in g in the home i . ch ild ren 18 and over l iv in g in the home j . leve l o f education 3. There is a s ig n if ic a n t re la tio n sh ip between a ttitu de s toward education and a ttitu de s toward socia l l i f e and recrea tion . 4. There is a s ig n if ic a n t re la tio n sh ip between a ttitu de s toward education and the personal variab les o f: a. sex b. age - c. m arita l status • d. income e. re lig io n f . church attendance g. number o f ch ild ren 6h. ch ild ren between the ages o f 0-17 l iv in g in the home i . ch ild ren 18 and over l iv in g in the home j . leve l o f education 5. There is a s ig n if ic a n t re la tio n sh ip between a ttitu de s toward socia l l i f e and recrea tion and the personal variab les o f: a. sex b. age c. m arita l status d. income e. re lig io n f . church attendance g. number o f ch ild ren h. ch ild ren between the ages o f 0-17 l iv in g in the home i . ch ild ren 18 and over l iv in g in the home j . leve l o f education D e fin itio ns For the purposes o f th is study the fo llow ing d e fin it io n s were used: : Rural: Farm and non-farm communities w ith a population o f less than 2,500 people (Gould & Kolb, 1964). A ttitudes toward ch ild re a r in g :T h e expression o f values and be lie fs in re la tio n to the caretaking o f ch ild ren . These expressions were re fe rred to as e ith e r au tho rita ria n ( t ra d it io n a l) or democratic (equali t a r i an). A u tho rita rian : The expression o f an a tt itu d e which views parents p r im a rily as au tho rity figu res in the c h ild rearing re la tio n sh ip . T ra d itio n a l: The term w i l l be. used interchangeably w ith au tho rita ria n . Democratic: The expression o f an a tt itu d e which views ch ild ren as equals in th e ir r ig h ts and re sp o n s ib ilit ie s as fam ily members. 7 . E q u a lita r ian: The term w i l l be used interchangeably w ith democratic. A ttitmdes toward education: ' The expression o f fee lings in re la tio n to the e ffe c ts education has upon one's l i f e . These expressions range from the pos itive e ffe c ts possessing an education has upon le isu re time and economic opportun ity to c o n f l ic t between education and work. A ttitu d es toward socia l l i f e and recrea tion : The expression o f fee lings w ith regard to socia l in te ra c tio n and socia l s a tis ­ fa c t io n . Social in te ra c tio n : The involvement o f the respondent w ith re la t iv e s , fr ie n d s , and neighbors l iv in g in the community. Social s a tis fa c t io n : The expression o f an a tt itu d e invo lv ing general fr ie n d lin e ss o f the community, a sense o f belonging­ ness, and ove ra ll tone o f fam ily l i f e . Age: Each respondent was placed in one o f s ix age groups: under 21, 21-28, 29-35, 36-50, 51-65, over 65. M a rita l s ta tu s : Levels o f response re fe rred to whether the pa rtic ip a n t had never married, was presently married-, divorced, or widowed. Incores: Response leve ls categorized income as fo llow s : over $25,000, '$20,000-$24,999, $15,000-$19,999, $10,000-$14,999, $7,000-$9,999, $5,000-$6,999, ■ $3,000-$4,999, and under $3,000. Religpim: The fou r response leve ls included Roman Catho lic , P rotestant, another re lig io n , and no re lig io u s preference. Churdii attendance: Responses comprised fou r categories: three or more times per month, once or tw ice per month, a few times per . year, and never. Number o f ch ild ren : Thi,s variab le re fe rs to the to ta l number o f ch ild ren each respondent had. Children between the ages o f 0-17: The number o f ch ild ren o f th is age group presently l iv in g in the home. Children 38 and over: The number o f ch ild ren o f th is age group presen tly l iv in g in the home. 8Level o f education: Categories fo r educational attainment are as fo llow s : less than eighth grade, completed eighth grade, completed high school, attended co llege, completed bachelors degree, college beyond bachelors degree, masters degree, . doctors degree, fin ished business co llege, and fin ished trade school. L im ita tions and De lim ita tions This study focuses on only a small portion o f the to ta l study t i t le d "Rural Family L ife Styles in Montana." The to ta l survey deals w ith housing and homemaking, m arita l ro le s ,m a r ita l communication, fam ily planning and sex knowledge, c h ild rea ring , n u tr it io n knowledge, . consumer knowledge, education, and socia l l i f e and recrea tion . The number o f questions, the re fo re , pe rta in ing to each o f the areas are de lim ited . The study is lim ite d by two fa c to rs : sample s ize and previous research. Sample size p roh ib its the use o f d ire c t observation which places lim ita t io n s on the type o f data th a t can. be derived. Minimal research pe rta in ing to ru ra l fam ily l i f e s ty les in the west lim its the amount o f information from which to bu ild . CHAPTER I I REVIEW OF LITERATURE The purpose o f th is study was to determine the a ttitu des ru ra l Montanans have toward ch ild rea ring , education, and socia l l i f e and re c rea tio n ; to measure the co rre la tions o f the a ttitu des w ith one another, and also w ith ce rta in selected personal va ria b le s ; and to discuss these find ings . H is to ry o f Child Rearing Practices . . . a study o f ch ild -re a rin g ideas o f the past. . i can help to make us aware o f the precedents which remain dynamically re la ted to our own work in the upbringing and education o f ch ild ren (Sunley, 1955, p. 151). Early A ttitudes Toward Children I t is . d i f f i c u l t to imagine tha t in medieval soc ie ty the idea I o f childhood did not e x is t. That is to say, a ch ild was not d is ­ tinguished from an adu lt (Thompson, 1952; A ries, 1962; Kessen, 1965; Lefrancois, 1973). The in fa n t was, in e ffe c t, regarded as a m iniature adu lt. He d iffe re d from adults only q u a n tita tiv e ly ( Lefrancois, 1973). Since the in fa n t was too small and f ra g ile to take pa rt in adult a c t iv i t ie s , he simply d id n 't count (A ries , 1962). . That ch ild ren were viewed in th is manner is one o f the reasons there are so few accounts o f ch ild rearing practices in e a r l ie r times. 10 According to Lefrancois (1973), there are two other possible explana­ tio n s . One is tha t animals o f a lower phylum were easier to understand and there fore much easier to study. . Another is the place a ch ild held in the a ffe c tio n o f adu lts . Children were not necessarily loved or wanted and i f they were wanted, i t may have been only fo r economic reasons. I t is easier to understand th is lack o f love and a ffe c tio n when i t is remembered th a t a ch ild was regarded as an ill- fo rm ed a d u lt, incapable o f carry ing out adu lt a c t iv i t ie s . In the s ix teenth and seventeenth cen turies, however, a new concept o f childhood appeared. A ch ild became the symbol o f sweetness and s im p lic ity ; fo r the adu lt, a source o f re laxa tion and amusement (A ries , 1962). I t is in te re s tin g to note tha t th is concept was most popular among women, even though the e n tire re s p o n s ib ility fo r the care o f the c h ild rested w ith them. In sp ite o f the changing a tt itu d e toward ch ild ren on the pa rt o f many, the ch ild was s t i l l absorbed in to the world o f adults between the age o f f iv e and seven. At the same time, men o f the church came to regard ch ildren as " f ra g ile creatures o f God who needed to be both safeguarded and reformed (A ries , 1962, p. 133)." Later in the seventeenth century, as th is idea became more preva lent, so also did in te re s t in education and the concept o f a long childhood. Although the l i te ra tu re reviewed is inconclusive , i t may be a ttr ib u ta b le , a t leas t in p a rt, to the sex n d iffe rence in parents and to changing socia l a tt itu des toward education in general, Early Child Rearing Practices Kessen (1.965) stated tha t before 1750 the odds were three to one against a c h ild completing f iv e years o f l i f e . This may have been due p a rt ly to a lack o f information regarding ch ild ren 's needs, inadequate n u tr i t io n , and less than adequate medical s k i l ls . As reported by Kessen (1965), not u n t i l la te in Western h is to ry were there any experts in ch ild care. Many parents re lie d on the midwife and the teacher fo r advice. According to Rogers (1969), during the period between 1550 and 1750, European parents became somewhat permissive in th e ir ch ild rearing p rac tices . This varied somewhat according to geographic, re lig io u s , and socio-economic fa c to rs , but genera lly speaking, a wave o f permissiveness in c h ild care was reported to have appeared. In North America, on the other hand, the co lon ia l fam ily was reported to have been very stern and sub jective in th e ir a ttitudes regarding ch ild ren (Queen & Habenstein, 1967). In some households ch ild ren were not allowed to s i t during mealtime. They ate whatever was handed them and were taught i t was s in fu l to complain. Many believed the ch ild was born w ith perverse tendencies (Queen & Habenstein,. 1967; Rogers, 1969; Thompson, 1952). In order 12 to break down these undesirable q u a lit ie s , severe and in f le x ib le d is c ip lin a ry methods were used. D isc ip line was not only the responsi­ b i l i t y o f the home, but o f the school and sta te as w e ll. Stern laws were enacted to enforce s t r i c t obedience. A Connecticut s ta tu te , fo r example, decreed th a t: i f a rebe llious son sixteen years or o lder did not obey his parents or heed th e ir punishment, he could be brought before the magistrates assembled in cou rt, and^ e put to death (Trumbull, 1876, pp. 69-70). This stern code o f d is c ip lin e was thought to be associated w ith curren t re lig io u s be lie fs and to re f le c t the d i f f i c u l t conditions under which these people liv e d . The usual pattern o f fam ily l i f e was p a tr ia rc h a l, making the support and conduct o f fam ily members the re sp o n s ib ility o f the male head o f the house. The woman, on the other hand, was also responsible fo r a wide range o f a c t iv i t ie s . I t was her duty to tend to the ch ild ren as well as help t i l l the s o il. Most o f the time was spent doing chores, so there was l i t t l e time fo r socia l l i f e or recrea tion fo r any fam ily members, even fo r the ch ild ren . Boys, however, were perm itted to go to school (Queen & Habenstein, 1967). The co lon ia l period seems to have been a time o f masculine dominance. Families were viewed e ssen tia lly as economic in s t itu t io n s (Queen & Habenste in , 1967). I t appears tha t these two fa c to rs , along w ith a lack o f socia l l i f e , la rge ly accounted fo r the s trong ly au tho rita ria n view o f c h ild rearing in th is period o f our h is to ry . According to Rogers (1969) th is a tt itu d e prevailed from the co lon ia l period up to the beginning o f the twentie th century. A marked in te re s t in ch ild ren and in ch ild rearing problems developed during the nineteenth century. According to Sunley (1955),, th is in te re s t was brought about by several reasons. F irs t o f a l l , a rapid r is e o f industry was taking place. This s h i f t was d is rup ting not only established patterns o f l iv in g , but patterns o f ch ild rearing as w e ll. Along w ith increasing in d u s tr ia liz a t io n came the growing b e lie f in the power o f man to contro l his environment. Man was becoming capable o f d ire c tin g the fu tu re and became more conscious o f his a b i l i t y to mold his ch ild ren . F in a lly , an increased emphasis was being placed on the ch ild as an extension o f h is parents' ambitions. [ As man came to re a lize the con tro l he had over h imse lf and h is environment, the concept o f character development became even more important. Since i t was the mother who was. considered the p rin c ipa l person in forming character, her ro le became paramount (Sunley, 1955). By m id-nineteenth century, the fa the r played only a small pa rt in the upbringing o f his ch ild ren . According to the l i te ra tu re , the fa th e r 's re s p o n s ib ility rested almost so le ly w ith the adminis ting o f corporal punishment, i f and when i t was considered necessary. 13 14 Due to the many changes staking place in the socia l system between 1850 and 1900, a substan tia l amount o f l i te ra tu re appeared on the subject o f c h ild rearing . In th is l i te ra tu re three general theories seemed to p re va il. One prescribed tha t parents should enforce absolute obedience. This would break the c h ild 's w i l l and help free him "from the hold o f h is e v il nature (Sunley, 1955, p. 163)." Dwight, w r it in g in 1834, s ta ted: "No ch ild has ever been known since the e a r lie s t period o f the world, d e s titu te o f an e v il d ispos ition —. however sweet i t appears (p. 31 )." Another theory advocated the idea o f ch ild ren becoming "s trong , vigorous, unspoiled men, l ik e those in the ea rly days o f the country (Sunley, 1955, p. 161)." A th ird theory endorsed gentle treatment o f the c h ild , making corporal punishment undesirable as a means o f d is c ip lin in g ch ild ren . Advocates o f th is theory recommended tha t understanding and ju s t ic e be used by ■ parents in rearing th e ir ch ild ren . i Even though the l i te ra tu re o f the times expressed varied fee lings concerning ch ild rearing p rac tices , i t was not u n t il the la t te r h a lf o f the 1930-1940 decade tha t a great deal o f a tten tion was given to permissive procedures (S tend ler, 1973; Rogers, 1969; Bronfenbrenner, 1970). I t has been reported tha t tw o-th irds o f the a r t ic le s w ritte n on ch ild rearing promoted the idea o f parental permissiveness (Winch, 1952). Baby and Child Care by Spock (1946) became very popular. In i t , Spock advised parents to act according 15 to in s t in c t . Whatever the parents f e l t was best would probably be best fo r the ch ild (S tend le r9 1973; Rogers, 1969). The concept o f permissiveness did not hold a dominant place very long. The f i f t i e s and s ix t ie s brought a new mode o f thought and action which a ffected peoples' liv e s a l l over the world. With i t came many tra n s itio n s in personal goals and values and consequently, a new and ye t unclear trend in ch ild rearing (Rogers, 1969). Child care once again became a blend o f c o n f lic t in g theories. Today, many adhere to the democratic way o f rearing ch ild ren . ". . . th a t is , th a t parents probably know best in many th ings , but ch ild ren know something, too ( Papalia & Olds, 1975, p. 377)." Child Rearing Studies I , L i t t le research has been (lone in the ru ra l west, espec ia lly w ith respect to the fam ily . Research which has been done has dea lt p r im a rily w ith a g ricu ltu re . Since the ru ra l fam ily has been given l i t t l e a tte n tio n , i t has been d i f f i c u l t to id e n t ify as a variab le in many o f the studies dealing w ith c h ild rearing . Rural Researchers conducting a study on fam ily socia l in te ra c tio n in ru ra l Michigan (Michigan State U n ive rs ity Experiment S ta tion , 1957) found tha t fam ily members spent l i t t l e time together, w ith very 16 few a c t iv i t ie s being shared in the home. In general, mothers spent more time w ith th e ir ch ild ren than did fa the rs . These find ings were not co rre la ted , however, w ith sp e c ific ch ild rearing a tt itu d e s . Extensive in terviews o f urban, suburban, and farm wives l iv in g in Michigan comprised the population fo r a study by Blood and Wolfe (1960). The resu lts tended to ind ica te very l i t t l e d iffe rence in ch ild rearing problems from c ity to country. Wilson and Sperry (1961) conducted a study which dea lt w ith ch ild rearing techniques o f ru ra l mothers. S ig n ific a n t re la tionsh ips to techniques o f guidance were found to e x is t on the basis o f the mother's age and leve l o f education. The use o f a ffe c tio n by the mothers as a guidance technique tended to decrease as her age increased. The demonstration o f a ffe c tio n also decreased as the mother's level o f education increased. i Non-Rural ! Several s tud ies , though not dealing w ith a ru ra l population, have been found which ind ica te a number o f personal variab les to be d ire c t ly re la ted to ch ild rearing a tt itu d e s . Among these variables is socio-economic status (SES) or socia l c lass, which has been given considerable a tten tio n in i t s re la tio n sh ip to ch ild rearing a ttitudes and techniques. Social class becomes re levant when broken in to i ts major component pa rts : income and leve l o f education, both o f which are variab les in the present study. 17 Havighurst and Davis (1955) compared major studies done at Harvard and in Chicago and found th a t there were d iffe rences in ch ild rearing practices based upon socia l class. On the basis o f socia l c lass, middle class parents appeared to have higher educa­ tio n a l expectations o f th e ir ch ild ren than did lower class parents. Jordan (1970), examining the in fluence o f age and socia l class on au tho rita ria n fam ily ideology, found less au tho rita rian ism fo r the higher socia l classes. Permissiveness increased as age increased, in d ica tin g a higher degree o f permissiveness on the pa rt o f the o lder. Sears, Maccoby, and Levin (1957) also found d iffe rences in ch ild rearing practices between the socia l classes. Working class mothers seemed to use more r ig id d is c ip lin a ry techniques w ith th e ir ch ild ren than did middle class mothers. The researchers a ttr ib u te d th is d iffe rence not only to socia l class but to the number o f ch ildren each fam ily had. They suggested the p o s s ib il i ty th a t " i f we compared working-class fam ilie s who had a ce rta in number o f ch ild ren w ith m iddle-class fam ilie s having the same number, there would be l i t t l e or no d iffe rence between them in th e ir c h ild - tra in in g methods (p. 435)." Findings were the same whether mothers were compared on the basis o f th e ir educational attainment or on the basis o f th e ir SES. An explanation fo r th is f in d ing may l ie p a rt ly in the fa c t th a t leve l o f education o ften comprises a large pa rt o f SES. 18 The re la tio n sh ip between SES and a mother's behavior toward ch ild ren was analyzed in the Berkeley Growth Study (Bayley & Schaefer, 1960). Findings ind ica ted only a s l ig h t increase o f warmth, under­ standing, and acceptance toward ch ild ren as SES o f mothers rose. Although mothers o f a lower status tended to be s l ig h t ly more pun itive and c o n tro llin g , the d iffe rences in behavior were much more evident • fo r those mothers having sons than fo r those having daughters. According to Bronfenbrenner (1972), parental behaviors d iffe re n tia te d by sex o f the ch ild are pronounced only in the lower middle class. As the SES o f a fam ily r is e s , both parents tend to re la te to sons and daughters s im ila r ly . I t seems important to note a t th is po in t th a t ch ild rearing a ttitu des in re la tio n to the sex o f the ch ild are not important to the present study. I t appears, however, to be one o f two factors tha t could in pa rt be responsible fo r d iffe rences in ch ild rearing which are often a ttr ib u te d to socia l class alone. H is to r ic a lly , fam ilie s o f lower SES have had more ch ild ren than those o f the middle class (Sears, e t a l . , 1957). According to Clausen (1966), "The size o f a group markedly influences the pattern ing o f in te rac tions and re la tionsh ips among members (p. 9 ) ." As a fam ily increases in s ize , e x p l ic i t ru les concerning du tie s , re s p o n s ib ilit ie s , and behavior become more ch a ra c te r is tic . Leadership becomes increasing ly cen tra lized . I t seems tha t an increase in fam ily size would also 19 increase the lik e lih o od o f varied sex composition. According to Elder (1962), the sex composition o f a large fam ily might in i t s e l f d ic ta te or con tro l the amount o f parental dominance exercised. Bartow (1962) also examined fam ily size in re la tio n to ch ild rearing practices and found no s ig n if ic a n t re la tion sh ip between them. The d iffe rences in find ings between Elder and Bartow might be p a rtly accounted fo r by sample composition. E lder's study was based on adolescents' perceptions o f th e ir parents, while Bartow's dea lt d ire c t ly w ith parents. A program o f research on adolescence a t the Un ivers ity o f North Carolina (E lder, 1962) displayed only s l ig h t evidence tha t . lower class parents were more dominant than middle class parents. S ig n ific a n t re lea tionsh ips to ch ild rearing practices were found to - e x is t on the basis o f fam ily s ize , leve l o f education, sex, and re lig io n . Parents o f a la rge r fam ily were viewed as being more au tho rita ria n than those o f a small fam ily . An equali t a r i an a tt itu d e seemed to be most ch a ra c te r is tic o f those parents having completed one or more years o f co llege. Parents w ith a n inth grade education or less , however, were perceived as being au tho rita ria n . Mothers were more l ik e ly to be permissive or equa lita rian in the ch ild rearing re la tion sh ip than fa th e rs . Fathers most often were perceived as being the dominant f ig u re . The re su lts suggested a tendency of Catholic fa thers to increase th e ir contro l and res tric tiveness I20 as th e ir ch ild ren became o lder. Among Protestant fa the rs , the tendency reversed. As pointed out by the studies previously c ite d , there is some evidence tha t socia l class is a t leas t p a rtly responsible fo r d iffe rences in ch ild rearing . According to Bronfenbrenner (1961), however, " . . . the gap between the socia l classes in th e ir goals and methods o f ch ild rearing appears to be narrowing. . . (p. 6 ) .1 By and la rge , parents o f the working class are assuming not only socia l and economic values s im ila r to the middle c lass, but also s im ila r c h ild rearing techniques. Anders (1968) found the less educated more l ik e ly to express a pun itive a tt itu d e toward ch ild rearing . Findings also ind icated women to be more permissive in ch ild rearing a ttitu des than men. Although Anders' study dea lt w ith three re lig io -e th n ic groups (Anglo-Saxon P ro testan t, Negro-Protesta n t, and French C a tho lic ), the find ings are s im ila r to those o f Elder (1962). . An examination of data c ited by Bronson, Katten, and Livson (1959) points to a somewhat d if fe re n t find ing w ith regard to parental ro le d if fe re n t ia t io n .- According to these researchers, the fa ther is becoming increas ing ly more a ffe c tiona te and less au tho rita ria n in the ch ild rearing re la tio n sh ip , while the mother's ro le as d is c ip lin a r ia n is increasing. In an analysis o f ch ildcare a ttitudes o f two generations o f mothers (Cohler, Grunebaum, Weiss, & Moran, 21 .1971), there did not appear to be a s ig n if ic a n t d iffe rence between the a ttitu des o f the o lder and younger mothers. Findings seemed to be d ire c t ly re la ted to the comparative constancy in the soc ie ty 's value system. The review o f the li te ra tu re has revealed a considerable amount o f materia l dealing w ith c h ild rearing. At the same time, i t has revealed th a t w ritin g s re la tin g th is top ic to ru ra l Montanans or to ru ra l Americans anywhere are v ir tu a l ly non-existent. The review o f l i te ra tu re has served to confirm the need fo r a study o f ch ild rearing in a ru ra l population. CHAPTER I I I METHODOLOGY The purpose o f th is study was to determine the a ttitu des ru ra l Montanans have toward ch ild rea ring , education, and socia l l i f e and recrea tion ; to measure the co rre la tions o f the a ttitu de s w ith one another, and also w ith ce rta in selected personal va riab les ; and to discuss these find ings . Sampling Procedure The present study focuses on a po rtion o f a la rge r p ro je c t, t i t le d "Rural Family L ife Styles in Montana." Following is a des­ c r ip t io n o f procedures employed re la tin g to the e n tire p ro je c t, inc lud ing the portions which are .the subject o f th is study. Boundaries suggested by the Montana Cooperative Extension Service d iv ide the sta te o f Montana in to s ix d is t r ic t s . These d is t r ic ts are not based upon popula tion, but represent re la t iv e ly equal amounts o f land area. To insure representation o f each geographic sector in the s ta te , two counties were randomly selected from each o f the s ix d is t r ic t s . Communities w ith in the selected counties were randomly chosen and persons from those communities were selected a t random to be 23 in v ite d to p a rtic ip a te in the study. By th is process 60 from each county, or 720 in a l l , were asked to take part in the study. Method o f C o llec ting Data Communication To encourage a be tte r ra te o f p a rt ic ip a tio n in the study, a news release about the p ro jec t appeared in v ir tu a l ly a l l o f Montana's d a ily and weekly newspapers. A le t te r , exp la in ing the purpose and sponsorship o f the p ro je c t, was then sent to the po ten tia l p a rtic ip a n ts , asking fo r th e ir cooperation. An acceptance form and re tu rn envelope were enclosed w ith each le t te r . Those ind iv idua ls who agreed to p a rtic ip a te in the study were sent a survey booklet. Some time la te r , a fo llow -up reminder was sent to those who had not responded. I ' Instruments Since the plan fo r the to ta l p ro je c t ca lled fo r a l l the data to be co llec ted a t one time, the te s t instruments fo r each phase o f the study were compiled and bound in to a survey instrument booklet. This task was completed p r io r to the present in ve s tig a to r 's involvement in the p ro je c t. Whenever possib le , scales authenticated by previous research were used. I t was necessary in ce rta in cases, however, to devise an instrument which would more adequately s u it the purposes o f th is 24 in ve s tig a tio n . In such cases, appropria te resource persons a t Montana State U n ive rs ity were consulted. .The instruments were then pretested w ith students fo r content v a l id i ty . Copies o f the instruments employed in those portions o f the study which are the subject o f the present report are contained in the appendix. In order to gather information w ith regard to the respondent's background, a general in formation section was devised. From th is section , the fo llow ing variab les were used: sex, age, m arita l s ta tus , income, re lig io n , church attendance, number o f ch ild ren , ch ild ren between the ages o f 0-17 l iv in g in the home, ch ild ren 18 and over l iv in g in the home, and leve l o f education. The po rtion o f the survey instrument dealing w ith ch ild rearing provided an index to parental s ty le . I t was adapted from "A Survey o f Opinions Regarding the D isc ip line o f Children" developed by I tk in in 1952. R e lia b i l i ty o f I t k in 's scale was estimated by the s p l i t - h a lf method to be .95. According to Shaw and Wright (1967), v a l id i ty was determined by item analysis data and the co rre la tio n between a tt itu d e scores and s e lf- ra tin g s o f parents; the co rre la tio n was .26. A ttitudes toward education were determined by the use o f a scale developed by Rundquist and S le tto in 1936. The items are broad in content, ranging from the e ffec ts o f possessing an education upon one's le isu re time and upon economic opportun ity to c o n f l ic t between education and work (Shaw & W right, 1967). S p li t - h a lf r e l ia b i l i t ie s 25 o f .82 and .83 have been reported as well as te s t- re te s t r e l ia b i l i t ie s o f .84 and .85. According to Shaw and Wright (1967), the scale has good content v a l id i ty fo r measuring a ttitu de s toward a high school education. I t is somewhat re s tr ic te d , however, in measuring a ttitudes toward a co llege education. The instrument dealing w ith socia l l i f e and recrea tion was constructed by the p ro je c t leader and his graduate ass is tan t. Questions p r im a rily dea lt w ith the respondents' in te rac tions w ith re la tiv e s , fr ie n d s , and neighbors l iv in g in the community. Analysis o f Data Items on the a tt itu d e scale o f c h ild rearing were scored in such a way tha t higher scores re fle c ted au tho rita ria n a ttitu de s . toward ch ild rea ring , while lower scores represented the more permissive or equa lita ria n a tt itu d e s . With the highest possible value being three points fo r each question, the highest score tha t could be obtained was 60. Higher scores on the a tt itu d e scale o f education ind icated a po s itive a tt itu d e toward the e ffec ts o f possessing an education, while low scores were in d ica tiv e o f a negative a tt itu d e . The scale was composed o f 22 items, which when scored could produce a possible score o f 66. 26 The 20-item socia l l i f e and recrea tion scale could provide a possible value o f 81. Higher scores ind ica ted less socia l in te r ­ action and sa tis fa c tio n w ith one's socia l l i f e , while lower scores re fle c ted greater amounts o f in te ra c tio n and s a tis fa c tio n . Data derived from items concerning personal background informa tio n and the various scales were coded and transfe rred to e lec tron ic data processing equipment a t Montana State Un ivers ity Computing Center. The primary s ta t is t ic employed in the analysis o f data was the Pearson product-moment c o e ff ic ie n t o f co rre la tio n . CHAPTER IV RESULTS AND DISCUSSION The purpose o f th is study was to determine the a ttitu des ru ra l Montanans have toward ch ild rea ring , education, and socia l l i f e and rec rea tion ; to measure the co rre la tions o f the a ttitu des w ith one another, and also w ith ce rta in selected personal va riab les ; and to discuss these f in d in g s . Description o f Sample A to ta l o f 720 persons, each chosen a t random, were in v ite d to p a rtic ip a te in the study. Of the 479 who confirmed th e ir desire to p a rt ic ip a te , 332 (46.1.%) a c tua lly completed and returned the survey booklets (Johnson, 1974). ; Table I provides a descrip tion -of the sample. The 332 ind iv idua ls who agreed to p a rtic ip a te in the study were predominantly female (59.6%). The sample leaned toward middle age, w ith the median being in the 36 to 50 age group. Only 18.2 per cent o f the sample represented the under 21 to 28 age group. Nearly seven-eighths o f the respondents (84.6%) were married. Family s ize , w ith regard to number o f ch ild ren , ranged from zero to ten. In genera l, fam ilie s were not la rge ; 2.5 was the mean number o f ch ild ren . One might have expected fam ilie s to be la rge r in a 28 TABLE I Description of Sample Variable N % Variable N % Sex Number of Children Male 134 40.4 None 52 15.7 Female 198 59.6 One 43 13.0Two 78 23.5 +Age Three 68 20.5 Under 21 12 3.6 Four 41 12.3 21-28 48 14.6 Five 31 9.3 29-35 48 14.6 Six 12 3.6 36-50 91 27.7 Seven or more 7 2.1 51-65 102 31.0 Over 65 28 8.5 One or more children living at home Marital Status Age 0-17 167 50.3 Never married 23 6.9 Age 18 + 55 16.6 Married 281 84.6 Divorced 5 1.5 Educational Level Widowed 23 6.9 8th grade or less 18 5.4 +Income Attended Over $25,000 45 14.9 high school 45 13.6 20,000-24,999 11 3.6 Completed 15,000-19,999 34 11.2 high school 89 26.8 10,000-14,999 74 24.4 Attended college 85 25.6 7,000-9,999 59 19.5 Completed 5,000-6,999 32 10.6 bachelor degree 40 12.0 3,000-4,999 22 7.3 College beyond Under 3,000 26 8.6 bachelor degree 14 4.2Masters degree 7 2.1 +Religion Doctors degree 3 .9 Roman Catholic 57 17.5 Finished busi­ Protestant 243 74.5 ness college 10 3.0 Other 6 1.8 Finished trade No religion 20 6.1 school 21 6.3 +Church Attendance Three or more times per month 126 38.0 Once or twice per month 52 15.7 A few times per year 98 29.5 Never attend 47 14.2 +Totals of these categories do not equal 332 because of participants not responding. Percentages are based on the number of respondents, not the total sample number. 29 ru ra l area, since ch ild ren in the past have been necessary fo r farm production. There appears, however, to be a trend toward smaller fam ily size w ith over h a lf o f the sample (52.2%) having two ch ildren or less. . The tab le reveals over h a lf o f the respondents (54.1%) having some education beyond high school. Persons o f th is sample were s l ig h t ly ahead o f the average fo r Montana o f 12.2 years o f schooling (1970 Census, U.S. Dept, o f Commerce, 1973). Examination o f Data Total scores on the ch ild rearing scale, the education a tt itu d e scale , and the socia l l i f e and recrea tion scale were tested against each other by means o f a co rre la tio n matrix (see Table 2). I t was then possible to determine s ig n if ic a n t re la tionsh ips among the various a tt itu d e s . Total scores on each o f the three scales were also corre la ted w ith ten personal va riab les : sex, age, m arita l s ta tus, income, re lig io n , church attendance, number o f ch ild ren , ch ildren between the ages o f 0-17 l iv in g in the home, those. 18 and over l iv in g in the home, and educational leve l (see Table 3). Childrens' ages were d ivided in to two groups since those between 0-17 are generally school age or younger and perhaps more dependent on fam ily resources than those who are in the young adu lt group (18 and over). Data were analyzed by means o f the Pearson product-moment c o e ff ic ie n t 30 TABLE 2 Corre la tion Matrix Child Education Social Social Rearing In te rac tion S a tis fa c tion Child Rearing Education .001 Social . In te ra c tion NS NS Social S a tis fa c tion .003 NS .001 \ 31 TABLE 3 Corre la tion o f Personal Variables .001 CU W .01rti U C CD 4- O CU .05 Authorita rian ism High Degree o f High in Child Rearing Social In te rac tion Degree o f Social Sa tis fac tion 32 o f c o rre la tio n . The .05 leve l was set as the c r ite r io n fo r determ i­ nation o f s ig n if ic a n t re la tion sh ips . Child Rearing A ttitudes Higher scores on ch ild rearing ind ica ted a more a u tho rita r ia n , tra d it io n a l a tt itu d e in re la tio n to care and d is c ip lin e . In other words, the parent was regarded p r im a rily as an au tho rity fig u re in the c h ild rearing re la tio n sh ip . Lower scores ind ica ted more o f a democratic, equali t a r i an- a tt itu d e ; ch ild ren were regarded as equals ' in th e ir r ig h ts and re sp o n s ib ilit ie s as members o f the fam ily . Scores ranged from 25 to 55; the highest score tha t could be atta ined was 60. The mean, median, and mode were 38, in d ica tin g almost an equ ilib rium between au tho rita ria n and democratic a tt itu d e s . Hypothesis I s ta ted: There is a s ig n if ic a n t re la tion sh ip between a ttitu de s toward ch ild rearing and a ttitudes toward (a) education and (b) socia l l i f e and recrea tion . The te s tin g supported hypothesis I . A po s itive re la tio n sh ip was found to e x is t between tra d it io n a l ch ild rearing a ttitu de s and a po s itive outlook toward education (see Table 2, page 30). One might view such an a tt itu d e toward education as being more progressive or l ib e ra l. I f so, i t does not seem l ik e ly th a t those leaning toward tra d itio n a lism in rearing th e ir ch ildren would tend to be more lib e ra l w ith regard to th e ir ch ild ren 's 33 education. An association has been found to e x is t between au tho ri­ ta r ian ch ild rearing a ttitudes and genera lly conservative parents (Boshier & Iza rd5 1972). Total ch ild rearing score was the only co rre la tio n which produced a s ig n if ic a n t re su lt in i t s re la tion sh ip to to ta l education score. An examination o f Table 3 (page 31), however, ind ica tes a po s itive re la tio n sh ip between number o f ch ild ren and ch ild rearing score. As the tendency fo r la rge r fam ilie s increased, so did the tendency fo r t ra d it io n a l views regarding ch ild rearing . Those fam ilie s having more ch ild ren may recognize an economic necessity fo r education. Farming and ranching is the ch ie f occupation o f many o f these people (L ind , 1975). Several ch ild ren may have greater d i f f ic u l t y in prospering from the land in years to come than one or two. Realizing th is , parents w ith a la rge r number o f ch ild ren may look more p o s it iv e ly on the side o f education. A greater amount o f socia l s a tis fa c tio n was s ig n if ic a n t ly re la ted to a democratic or equalita r ia n a tt itu d e regarding ch ild rearing . The cha rac te ris tics o f those ind iv idua ls d isp lay ing a democratic ch ild rearing a tt itu d e may aid in in te rp re tin g th is f in d in g . • Those in the lower age groups tended to score lower on c h ild rearing , as did those w ith fewer ch ild ren , and those having a tta ined a higher leve l o f education. Those having fewer ch ild ren also tended to be more a c tiv e ly involved in the community. Involvement in the community 34 perhaps has more to do w ith socia l s a tis fa c tio n than any one o f the other va riab les . Level o f education has a s ig n if ic a n t negative co rre la tio n w ith both to ta l c h ild rearing score and socia l s a tis ­ fa c tio n score. In other wordss as ch ild rearing a tt itu d e becomes more democratic, leve l o f education increases; as socia l sa tis fa c tio n increases, so does leve l o f education. I t seems tha t those persons who tend to be more relaxed w ith regard to ch ild rearing practices may also tend to enjoy and be more s a tis f ie d w ith th e ir socia l liv e s . Hypothesis 2 s ta ted : There is a s ig n if ic a n t re la tio n sh ip between a ttitu de s toward ch ild rearing and the personal variab les o f (a) sex, (b) age, (c) m arita l s ta tus , (d) income, (e) re lig io n , ( f ) church attendance, (g) number o f ch ild ren , (h) ch ild ren between the ages, o f 0-17 l iv in g in the home, ( i ) ch ild ren 18 and over l iv in g in the home, and ( j ) leve l o f education. Hypothesis 2 a, b, e, g, and j were confirmed by the data; hypothesis 2 c, d, f , h, and i were re jected . Sex. Males tended to be more au tho rita ria n ( t ra d it io n a l) in th e ir a tt itu de s toward ch ild rearing than females (see Table 3, page 31). According to Photiadis (1964), th is has been more or less a d is t in c t c h a ra c te r is tic o f the ru ra l fam ily . T yp ica lly , fam ily decision making and au tho rity have rested w ith the male head o f the household. Although th is and other cha ra c te ris tics o f ru ra l l iv in g J 35 may be beginning to disappear in some areas (P ho tiad is5 1964), i t does not seem to be the case in th is Montana sample. Montana is geographically iso la ted from any o f the major population centers. I t is also one o f the most sparsely populated, per square m ile , while being the fou rth la rges t in geographic space. Although news media and communication systems may have an e ffe c t on the a ttitu de s and be lie fs o f ru ra l re s iden ts , i t seems tha t the re la t iv e is o la t io n which characterizes d a ily l i f e may have an even greater e ffe c t. I f so, the is o la t io n o f these fam ilie s may play a s ig n if ic a n t pa rt in the tra d itio n a lism o f a ttitu des regarding ch ild rearing . - The resu lts o f a study by Anders (1968), although non-rural in scope, seem to support those o f the present study. Anders sampled three d is t in c t re lig io -e th n ic groups: Anglo-Saxon P rotestant, Negro-Protestant, and French-Catholic. The male, in each o f these groups, appeared to be the dominant fig u re o f au tho rity in the ch ild rearing re la tio n sh ip . T ra d it io n a lly , each o f these re lig io -e th n ic groups have been male orien ted. T rad ition may play an important ro le in many ru ra l Montanans' l iv e s , as ind ica ted by the way in which th e ir responses compare to those o f the Anders' s tu d y .. Elder (1962) shows s im ila r find ings in a non-rural study dealing w ith adolescents'1 perceptions o f th e ir parents. The adolescents 36 reported th e ir mothers to be more permissive or equali t a r i an and th e ir fa thers to be more dominant w ith regard to ch ild rearing . Results from a non-rural study invo lv ing patterns o f au tho rity and a ffe c tio n by Bronson, Katten, and Livson (1959) have shown tha t the re la t iv e pos ition o f the fa the r and mother is s h if t in g . The fa the r was seen as becoming more a ffe c tio na te and less au tho rita r ia n , and the mother as becoming more important as the agent o f d is c ip lin e . I t is d i f f i c u l t to determine whether these find ings agree or con trad ic t w ith those o f the present study because o f the use o f the term "becoming.", Only curren t a ttitu de s were measured in the Montana sample, not fu tu re trends. Bronson, e t a l . (1959) studied parental s ty le from b ir th o f the c h ild through the eighteenth year. The period o f time invo lved, the ages o f the parents, and the number o f ch ildren born during those 18 years a l l may have had an e ffe c t on the fin d ing . Parents' a tt itu de s regarding ch ild rearing may swing from one end o f the pendulum to the other over a period o f th a t many years, a fa c t which cannot be ascertained in a cross-sectional study, unless i t is lo n g itu d in a l. Age. As age o f the pa rtic ip an ts increased, the lik e lih o od o f an au tho rita ria n ( t ra d it io n a l) a tt itu d e toward ch ild rearing also increased (see Table 3, page 31). One might expect to f in d a t ra d i­ t io n a l a tt itu d e among persons o f an o lder generation. /Jordan (1970), in a study dealing w ith a u tho rita ria n fam ily ideology, however, found ju s t the opposite. Results from the study ind ica ted a higher degree o f permissiveness to e x is t among the older p a rtic ip a n ts . Two d is t in c t d iffe rences in sample composition existed between Jordan's study and the present one. In Jordan's study, mothers o f newborn in fan ts comprised the sample. The mean age o f the mothers was 25. In the present study the mean age group was between 36 and 50; h a lf o f the respondents (50.3%) had one or more ch ild ren under the age o f 18 l iv in g in th e ir home. Perhaps young mothers o f newborn in fa n ts , because o f lack o f experience and a heightened sense of re s p o n s ib ility , are indeed more au tho rita ria n in an e f fo r t to do the " r ig h t th ing " where the ch ild is concerned. Much o f the l i te ra tu re dealing w ith the rearing o f ch ildren ind ica tes tha t ch ild rearing practices run in fashionable and even faddish cycles (Winch, 1952; R itch ie & K o lle r, 1964; Papalia & Olds, 1975). The a ttitu de s o f persons from p a rtic u la r age groups may be influenced by th is fa c to r. Today, according to Papalia and Olds (1975), many adhere to the democratic way o f rearing ch ild ren . The fa c t th a t many o f the respondents were middle aged and th e ir ch ild rearing years nearly over may have had a bearing on the au tho rita rian a tt itu d e displayed. Ideas in vogue a t the time a ch ild is born may be more in f lu e n t ia l than the age o f the parents in determining parental a ttitudes toward ch ild rearing . 37 (Relig io n. As re lig io u s preference moved from Catholic to P rotestan t, so did the lik e lih o o d o f an au tho rita ria n ( t r a d it io n a l) a tt itu d e toward .ch ild rea ring . The same tendency may have existed fo r those respondents in d ica tin g "o ther re lig io n " or "no re lig ious preference," however, only 26 respondents (7.9%) comprised the la t te r groups. The small number o f respondents in these two groups may have, by chance, skewed the re s u lt in the d ire c tio n o f au tho rita ria n . a tt itu d e s . The term Protestant includes many d if fe re n t re lig ious groups w ith varied values and b e lie fs . I t may be tha t the more funda­ mental P rotestant groups are representa tive o f , th is ru ra l sample, con tribu ting to the tra d it io n a l c h ild rearing a ttitu de s reported. Although re lig io u s preference had an e ffe c t on c h ild rearing a tt itu d e s , church attendance did not. Church attendance is s ig n i f i ­ can tly re la ted only to socia l in te ra c tio n (see Table 3, page 31). I t appears tha t going to church and having d ire c t contact w ith the church does not have an e ffe c t on many o f these peoples' a tt itu d e s . I t could be tha t the church is not dealing w ith day to day problems th a t are a pa rt o f these peoples' liv e s or simply tha t basic be lie fs and philosophies adhered to by many are very strong and not eas ily challenged. Number o f ch ild ren may also play a part in re la tio n to th is fin d in g . According to Elder (1962), the combined e ffe c t o f both denomination and fam ily size sub s ta n tia lly e ffec ts the lik e lih o od 38 39 o f parental dominance in the c h ild rearing re la tio n sh ip . Large fam ilie s are more often associated w ith Catho lics, so in th is l ig h t , one might have expected the Catholic respondents to lean more toward tra d itio n a lism . In the present study, however, th is did not prove to be the case. The small number o f Catholic respondents (57) may have skewed the re s u lt. Mean number o f ch ild re n -fo r the whole popula­ tio n was qu ite low (2 .5 ), so again the fin d ing may have been effected. Perhaps i f a balance had existed between Protestants and Catholics, the fin d ing would have been a lte red . Number o f c h ild re n . A ttitudes toward ch ild rearing were s ig n i f i ­ can tly influenced by the number o f ch ild ren in the fam ily . The tendency toward a greater number o f ch ild ren was re la ted to the tendency toward more au tho rita ria n a ttitu de s regarding ch ild rearing (see Table 3, page 31). C ha ra c te r is tic a lly , as groups increase in s ize , there becomes a ce n tra liz a tio n o f leadership and the development o f e x p l ic i t ru les (Clausen, 1966). As a fam ily becomes la rg e r, then, leadership and decision making tend to come more and more from the top. I t may be eas ie r, in many cases, fo r large fam ilie s to operate in th is manner since there are so many ind iv idua ls to look out fo r and fo r whom to be responsible. E x p lic it ro le d if fe re n t ia t io n may be necessary to keep fam ily operations running more smoothly. Elder and Bowerman (1963) support the fin d in g . 40 Although the number o f ch ild ren had an e ffe c t on ch ild rearing a tt itu d e s , the ages o f the ch ild ren l iv in g in the home did not. Regardless o f whether there were newborn in fa n ts , todd le rs , or teenagers in the home, c h ild rearing a ttitu des were not s ig n if ic a n t ly e ffected . Level o f education. Increasing leve ls o f education atta ined by the respondent produced an increas ing ly democratic (equalita r ia n ) a tt itu d e toward ch ild rearing (see Table 3, page 31). Those respondents having spent a greater number o f years in school may have come in to contact w ith a greater number o f a lte rn a tiv e s , inc lud ing those re la ted to the rearing o f ch ild ren . Rather than adhering to t ra d it io n a l, au tho rita ria n views, those w ith a higher education may tend to experi­ ment w ith other a lte rna tive s . By so doing, they may become more democratic or equal ita r ia n in th e ir a tt itu de s toward ch ild rearing . More than h a lf o f the respondents (54.1%) had some kind o f formal education beyond high school. S lig h t ly over h a lf o f the respondents (55.4%) scored at or below the mean on the ch ild rearing scale , in d ica tin g a tendency toward a democratic a tt itu d e . There may be a re la tio n sh ip between those respondents in the two groups. I t could have been those same respondents w ith the higher education tha t scored low on ch ild rea ring , in d ica tin g a democratic a tt itu d e . 41 Elder (1962) found a n in th grade education or less to be associated w ith a u tho rita ria n ch ild rearing p rac tices ; in contrast one o r more years o f co llege he found to be cha ra c te r is tic o f democratic and equali t a r i an parents. Anders (1968) has associated pun itive ch ild rearing practices w ith the less educated. Both find ings support those o f the present study. Education A ttitudes Higher scores tended to re f le c t a pos itive a tt itu d e toward education while lower scores ind ica ted a more negative a tt itu d e . The highest possible score th a t could be a tta ined was 66. . Scores ranged from 25 to 66, w ith the mean being 53. Hypothesis I a s ta ted: There is a s ig n if ic a n t re la tion sh ip between a ttitu de s toward ch ild rearing and a ttitudes toward education. The te s tin g supported hypothesis I a ( re fe r to ch ild rearing a ttitudes sec tion ). ■ Hypothesis 3 s ta ted : There is a s ig n if ic a n t re la tion sh ip between a ttitu de s toward education and a ttitudes toward socia l l i f e and recrea tion . The data re jected hypothesis 3. Hypothesis 4 s ta ted: There is a s ig n if ic a n t re la tion sh ip between a ttitu de s toward education and the personal variab les o f (a) sex, (b) age, (c) m arita l s ta tus , (d) income, (e) re lig io n , ( f ) church attendance, (g) number o f ch ild ren , (h) ch ild ren between 42 the ages o f 0-17 l iv in g in the home, ( i ) ch ild ren 18 and over l iv in g in the home, and ( j ) leve l o f education. Hypothesis 4 was re jected. A ttitudes toward education were not found to be s ig n if ic a n t ly ' influenced by any o f the personal va riab les . I t was the only one o f the a tt itu d e scales not e ffected by re lig io n , number o f ch ild ren , or leve l o f education. One might a t lea s t expect to f in d a s ig n i f i ­ cant co rre la tio n between a ttitu des toward education and leve l o f education, since persons o f th is sample were s l ig h t ly ahead o f the average fo r Montana o f 12.2 years o f schooling (1970 Census, U.S. Dept, o f Commerce, 1973). Those respondents having some formal schooling beyond high school comprised 54.1 per cent o f the to t a l . sample. Perhaps th is has bearing on the fin d ing . The mean was extremely high and ye t more than h a lf o f the respondents (52.7%) o f th is sample scored above i t . There were a c tu a lly very few low scores. Since those few respondents having low scores came from a va r ie ty o f circumstances, i t was not possible to po in t to any one fa c to r predisposing toward th e ir low opinion o f education. Generally speaking, th is sample o f ru ra l Montanans, whether young or o ld , r ich or poor, college educated or not are very much aware o f the value o f education. 43 Social In te ra c tion That po rtion o f the instrument dealing w ith the p a rt ic ip a n t's socia l l i f e and recrea tion was examined in two pa rts : socia l in te r ­ action and socia l s a tis fa c tio n . Social in te ra c tio n was comprised o f the respondent's involvement w ith re la tiv e s , fr ie n d s , and neighbors l iv in g in the community. I t was dea lt w ith not only q u a n tita tiv e ly but also as an a tt itu d e . Social s a tis fa c t io n , on the other hand, involved general fr ie nd lin e ss o f the community, a sense o f belonging­ ness f e l t , and ove ra ll tone o f fam ily l i f e . By d iv id in g the o r ig ina l scale in th is manner, two scores were derived. Each o f the scores represented a separate, ye t re la ted cha ra c te r is tic o f the p a rt ic ip a n t's socia l l i f e . High scores on socia l in te ra c tio n ind icated less involvement w ith re la t iv e s , fr ie n d s , and neighbors l iv in g in the community. Scores ranged from 9 to 45, w ith the mean being 28, and the highest a tta inab le score 55. Those who had more socia l in te ra c tio n also tended to have greater socia l s a tis fa c tio n (see Table 2, page 30). I t seems tha t those ind iv idua ls who get involved w ith others in the community also enjoy th e ir socia l l i f e more. A high percentage o f respondents appear to be s o c ia lly ac tive and generally s a tis f ie d w ith the community and th e ir fam ily l i f e . 44 Hypothesis I b s ta ted : There is a s ig n if ic a n t re la tion sh ip between a ttitu des toward ch ild rearing and a ttitudes toward socia l l i f e and recrea tion . The hypothesis was examined in l ig h t o f both socia l in te ra c tio n and socia l s a tis fa c tio n . The data support hypothesis I b, however only in terms o f socia l s a tis fa c tio n , not in terms o f . socia l in te ra c tio n (re fe r to ch ild rearing a ttitu des sec tion ). Hypothesis 3 s ta ted : There is a s ig n if ic a n t re la tion sh ip between a ttitu de s toward education and a ttitu des toward socia l l i f e and recrea tion . The te s tin g re jected hypothesis 3. Hypothesis 5 s ta ted : There is a s ig n if ic a n t re la tion sh ip between socia l l i f e and recrea tion and the personal variab les o f (a) sex, (b) age, (c) m arita l s ta tus , (d) income, (e) re lig io n , ( f ) church attendance, (g) number o f ch ild ren , (h) ch ild ren between the ages o f 0-17 l iv in g in the home, ( i ) ch ild ren 18 and over l iv in g in the home, and ( j ) leve l o f education. Hypothesis 5 a, c, f , g, and h were s ig n if ic a n t in terms o f socia l in te ra c tio n ; hypothesis d and j were s ig n if ic a n t in terms o f socia l s a tis fa c tio n . The te s tin g re jected 5 b, e, and i . Sex. Males tended to ind ica te less socia l in te ra c tio n than females. Since the study deals exc lus ive ly w ith a ru ra l population, i t may be tha t the primary occupation, farming and ranching (L ind, 1975), lends i t s e l f to socia l in te ra c tio n fo r females moreso than 45 fo r males. Male members o f the fam ily qu ite possib ly spend more of th e ir time working in the f ie ld s , w ith c a tt le , etc. Examination o f two spe c ific questions, however, shows something qu ite d if fe re n t. In response to the question: "How much do male members o f the fam ily go out to f is h , hunt, bowl, or g o lf , leaving the women and smaller ch ild ren a t home?", 77.1 per cent (256) o f the sample re p lie d , e ith e r "not too o ften" or "hard ly eve r." On the other hand, in responding to : "How often does the lady o f the house go out to clubs, p a r t ie s , e tc . , leaving fa the r and the ch ild ren at home?", 81.9 per cent (272) rep lied e ith e r "not too o ften " or "hardly ever." The d iffe rence in the responses is not great; however, i t may be due to the l im it in g e ffe c t o f the question concerning male in te ra c tio n . That p a r t ic u la r question includes only fou r types o f recrea tion ; the question concerning female in te ra c tio n is a c tua lly un lim ited as to type o f recrea tion by i t s use o f "e tc ." Responses to the two questions are s ig n if ic a n t ly re la ted to each other a t the .001 le ve l. In other words, the more males are involved in a c t iv i t ie s outside the home, the more women tend to be involved in a c t iv i t ie s outside the home. As e ith e r male members o f the fam ily or the lady o f the house went out more leaving other fam ily members a t home, the q u a lity o f fam ily l i f e tended to decrease. In l ik e manner, fee lings tended to be more negative w ith regard to amount o f socia l in te ra c tio n ; the . 46 home was regarded as lov ing and warm to a lesser degree. This seems to po in t to the idea th a t a l l types o f socia l in te ra c tio n do not necessarily have po s itive e ffec ts on fam ily l i f e . I t appears tha t fam ily members may fee l a stronger bond i f socia l in te rac tio ns are . together. . - I t is in te re s tin g to note tha t 77.1 per cent (256) o f the respondents f e l t th e ir home was e ith e r extremely or qu ite lov ing , warm, and happy. The same percentage o f males, 77.1, responded th a t they seldom or ra re ly went out leaving the others a t home. Two find ings were s ig n if ic a n t ly re la ted to female in te ra c tio n , but not to male in te ra c tio n . Those women having be tte r q u a lity re la tionsh ips w ith th e ir re la tive s tended to go out less to clubs, p a rtie s , e tc. At the same t im e , . i t also appears th a t as women went out more, the tendency to be in v ite d out fo r dinner and v is it in g decreased. Those women spending more time in a c t iv i t ie s outside the home probably also have close friends engaged in the same a c t iv it ie s . I f so, these women may not have had the time nor the in c lin a tio n fo r add itiona l so c ia liz in g through dinner in v ita t io n s . M arita l s ta tu s . As m arita l status moved from s ing le to married, there was a tendency fo r a greater amount o f socia l in te rac tio n . The same tendency may have existed fo r those respondents who were e ith e r divorced or widowed; however, only 28 respondents (8.4%) comprised the 47 la t te r groups. I t may be tha t the small percentage represented by these two groups skewed the re su lts in the d ire c tio n o f a greater amount o f socia l in te ra c tio n . Age, a b i l i t y , companionship, and a v a i la b i l i ty o f a c t iv it ie s in the community may have played an important ro le in the amount o f socia l in te ra c tio n reported by the respondent. Single persons, young and old a lik e , may have been less ac tive s o c ia lly due to a lack o f com­ panionship and/or places to go and things to do in the community. MacKay (1973) in a study o f the aged found a s l ig h t re la tion sh ip between being s ing le and p a rtic ip a tin g less in organ izations. Since the sample had a very high percentage o f married persons (84.6%), those who were s ing le may not have f e l t they had s im ila r in te re s ts w ith others l iv in g in the community. Single persons not among those in the younger age groups may have had d i f f i c u l t y in ge tting ou t, due to physical health and/or re s tr ic t io n s , there fore l im it in g th e ir outside invo lve­ ment w ith others. Divorcees and widowers, on the other hand, once married and perhaps having ch ild ren , may have had more socia l contacts than those in the s ing le group. Church attendance. As frequency o f church attendance increased, so did socia l in te ra c tio n . Church and church re la ted a c t iv it ie s seem to have an in fluence on the amount o f in te ra c tio n among those persons 48 who attend. Perhaps church provides a non-threatening atmosphere in which people can meet and become acquainted. Although church attendance is s ig n if ic a n t ly re la ted to socia l in te ra c tio n , i t is not re la ted to the amount o f s a tis fa c tio n f e l t regard ing .fam ily and community l i f e . I t appears tha t having a place, in which to meet and in te ra c t w ith others is not enough. The sa tis fa c ­ tio n derived from th is type o f a c t iv i ty may depend on the number o f fam ily members p a rt ic ip a tin g together, whether i t is viewed as an ob lig a tio n or personal choice, and the degree to which the p a r t ic i­ pants become involved. . Number o f c h ild re n . Social in te ra c tio n decreased as the number o f ch ild ren increased. This is a somewhat curious find ing since one might expect school and other organ izationa l a c t iv i t ie s in which ch ild ren are involved to also invo lve parents. Perhaps those ch ild ren from la rge r fam ilie s do not tend to be active in o rgan iza tions, because o f costs invo lved, there fore not invo lv ing th e ir parents. On the other hand, those w ith more ch ild ren may fin d themselves w ith less time fo r involvements outside the fam ily . The find ing may be viewed in ye t another way. Those having fewer ch ild ren tended to be more democratic in th e ir c h ild rearing a ttitu de s (see Table 3, page 31). A re la tion sh ip was also found to e x is t between those leaning toward democratic ch ild rearing a ttitudes 49 TABLE 4 Corre la tion o f Social In te ra c tion w ith Use o f Telephone Component Use o f Telephone Number re la tiv e s in community .013 Qua lity o f re la tio n sh ip w ith NS Social in te ra c tio n w ith .019 ■Friends,liv ing in community .001 In v ite people fo r dinner and v is i t in g .001 "Drop in " a t friends .001 Inv ited out to dinner and v is i t in g .001 Friends "drop in " .001 S a tis fa c tion w ith socia l in te ra c tio n . NS Total ch ild rearing score .005 . 50 and greater use o f the telephone fo r v is i t in g (see Table 4). I t appears there may be a po s itive re la tio n sh ip between smaller fam ily s ize , greater socia l in te ra c tio n , democratic ch ild rearing a tt itu d e s , and greater use o f the telephone as an instrument o f socia l in te r ­ action . A po s itive re la tio n sh ip also ex is ts between v is i t in g by phone and the fo llow ing : socia l in te ra c tio n w ith re la tiv e s , the frequency o f friends "dropping in " to v is i t , the frequency w ith which people are in v ite d to the respondent's house fo r dinner and v is i t in g , the frequency w ith which friends are v is ite d , and the frequency w ith which the respondent is in v ite d to someone's house fo r dinner and v is it in g (see Table 4). This fin d in g points to the idea tha t the telephone may not necessarily be used as a subs titu te fo r face -to -face in te r ­ action w ith o thers, but may perhaps be used as a too l fo r in v it in g or encouraging others out. On the other hand, i f a re la tion sh ip does e x is t between number o f ch ild ren and v is i t in g by phone, i t seems tha t ch ild rens ' a c t iv it ie s and l ik e involvements o f parents may warrant greater use o f the phone. In so doing, more socia l contacts may be made. Children between the ages o f 0-17 l iv in g in the home. Social in te ra c tio n decreased as the number o f ch ild ren between the ages of 0-17 l iv in g in the home increased. I t was not re la ted however to the 51 number o f ch ild ren over the age o f 18. I t appears from th is find ing tha t younger ch ild ren do tend to t ie parents down. Time and resources involved in the care o f ch ild ren may decrease the amount le f t fo r other a c t iv i t ie s . Although socia l in te ra c tio n was effected by ch ild ren o f high school age and younger, s a tis fa c tio n w ith home and community l i f e was not. I t appears, in th is instance, th a t a greater amount o f in te r ­ action among friends and re la tiv e s was not an ind ica tion o f a s a tis ­ fy ing socia l l i f e . Perhaps staying a t home w ith other fam ily members was indeed as s a tis fy in g fo r many as a c tiv e ly invo lv ing themselves w ith outside ob lig a tio ns . Social S a tis fa c tion High scores on socia l s a tis fa c tio n ind icated a less pos itive a tt itu d e toward the community in general, a decreased sense o f belongingness, and less s a tis fa c tio n w ith one's home and fam ily l i f e . Scores ranged from 3 to 16, w ith 26 being the possible h igh; mean, median, and mode a l l were nine. In general, th is sample displayed a f a i r ly high degree o f socia l s a tis fa c tio n . There was a high percentage o f respondents reporting a very favorable fee lin g toward th e ir community and fam ily l i f e (see Table 5). These same elements o f socia l s a tis fa c tio n • ( fr ie n d lin e ss o f community, acceptance in community, q u a lity o f fam ily 52 ' TABLE 5 Components o f Social In te ra c tion and Social S a tis fa c tion Component N % Relatives: , 2 or more fam ilie s l iv in g in the community 178 ■ 53.7 Very good to good re la tio n sh ip w ith 205 61.7 More than h a lf o f socia l in te ra c tio n w ith 122 3 6 . 7 Friends: At lea s t 4-5 fam ilie s l iv in g in community 231 6 9 . 6 At lea s t once/mo. in v ite people fo r dinner & v is i t in g 156 47.0 At lea s t once/mo. "drop in " a t fr iends to v is i t 213 64.2 At le a s t once/mo. in v ite d out to dinner & v is it in g 137 4 1 . 2 At leas t once/wk. friends "drop in " to v is i t 223 6 7 . 2 At lea s t 3 times/wk. v is i t by telephone 228 6 8 . 7 Community: Quite to extremely fr ie n d ly 220 66.3 Very well accepted in 243 7 3 . 2 About r ig h t amount o f socia l in te ra c tio n 190 5 7 . 2 Family L ife : Very good to the best 207 6 2 . 4 Home - lo v ing , warm 256 77.1 53 l i f e , and atmosphere o f the home) were found to have a s ig n if ic a n t p o s itive re la tio n sh ip w ith many o f the components o f socia l in te r ­ action (see Table 6). . I t is curious th a t as the number o f re la tive s l iv in g in the community increased, the tendency fo r the home to be considered lo v ing , warm, and happy decreased. I t appears tha t having re la tive s in the community adds to the fr ie nd lin e ss and belongingness f e l t , but not to q u a lity o f the home and fam ily l i f e . Friends, not re la t iv e s , l iv in g in the community did not have the same e ffe c t. Hypothesis I b s ta ted : There is a s ig n if ic a n t re la tionsh ip between a tt itu d e s toward ch ild rearing and a ttitudes toward social l i f e and recrea tion . The hypothesis was examined in l ig h t o f both socia l in te ra c tio n and socia l s a tis fa c tio n . The data support hypothesis I b, however only in terms o f socia l s a tis fa c t io n , not in terms o f socia l in te ra c tio n (re fe r to ch ild rearing a ttitudes sec tion ). Hypothesis 3 s ta ted : There is a s ig n if ic a n t re la tion sh ip between a tt itu d e s toward education and a ttitudes toward socia l l i f e and recrea tion . The te s tin g re jected hypothesis 3. Hypothesis 5 s ta ted : There is a s ig n if ic a n t re la tio n sh ip . between socia l l i f e and recrea tion and the personal variab les o f (a) sex, (b) age, (c) m arita l s ta tus , (d) income, (e) re lig io n , ( f ) church attendance, (g) number o f ch ild ren , (h) ch ild ren between TABLE 6 Matrix o f Social In te ra c tion and Social S a tis fa c tion Component F riend !iness o f community Acceptance in community Quality o f fam ily l i f e Home - lov ing , warm No. re la tive s in community .001 .001 NS -.021 Quality o f re la tio n sh ip w ith NS NS .009 .003 Social in te ra c tio n w ith .044 .001 NS NS Friends l iv in g in community .001 .001 .003 NS In v ite people fo r dinner & v is i t in g NS NS .012 NS "Drop in " a t friends .009 .001 .001 NS Inv ited out to dinner & v is i t in g .003 .001 .005 NS Friends "drop in " .001 NS NS NS V is it by telephone .002 .001 .043 NS Friendliness o f community _ _ _ _ .001 .005 NS Acceptance in community .001 — .001 .042 S a tis fa c tion w /socia l in te ra c tio n .003 .039 .031 NS Quality o f fam ily l i f e .005 .001 _ _ _ _ .001 Home - lo v ing , warm NS .042 .001 — 55 the ages o f 0-17 l iv in g in the home, ( i ) ch ild ren 18 and over l iv in g in the home, and ( j ) leve l o f education. Hypothesis 5 a, c, f , g, and h were s ig n if ic a n t in terms o f socia l in te rac tion '; hypothesis 5 d and j were s ig n if ic a n t in terms o f socia l s a tis fa c tio n . The te s tin g re jected 5 b, e, and i . Income. Those ind iv idua ls in the higher income brackets ind ica ted s ig n if ic a n t ly less socia l s a tis fa c tio n than did those w ith lower incomes. I t appears th a t having more money to go places and do th ings does not necessarily lend i t s e l f to the sa tis fa c tio n one derives from his or her socia l l i f e . Perhaps those having higher incomes were not s a tis f ie d w ith the socia l options ava ilab le to them in the community. S a tis fa c tio n w ith the respondents' socia l in te rac tio ns are s ig n if ic a n t ly re la ted to a sense o f belongingness in the community (see Table 6). Table I (page 28) shows 29.7 per cent o f the respondents to be in the $15,000 to over $25,000 income bracket. In responding to the question, "How much ^o you fee l tha t you 'be long' in your community?", 26.5 per cent rep lied ",only somewhat" or "somewhat shunned, le f t ou t, or re je c ted ." The percentages o f those respondents in the $15,000 to $25,000 income bracket and those not fee ling accepted in the community are very nearly the same. I f those persons in the higher income brackets did not fee l th e ir socia l needs were being 56 met, perhaps those s&me people did not fee l a strong sense o f belongingness in th e ir community. Level o f education. As soc ia l s a tis fa c tio n increased, level o f education increased. I t appears th a t those w ith less education in th is sample were not those in the lower income brackets5 since there was a s ig n if ic a n t re la tio n sh ip between having less income and being more s a tis f ie d s o c ia lly . Over h a lf o f the respondents (54.1%) in th is study have some education beyond high school (see Table I , page 28). I f a large percentage o f persons in the community are in th is group i t may very well have an in fluence upon the kinds o f a c t iv it ie s ava ilab le in the community and upon the various kinds o f socia l in te rac tio ns which take place. Those persons having fewer years o f formal education may fee l a s l ig h t stigma against them; they may also not be in te rested in what's ava ilab le as fa r as socia l options in the community. These fee lings could con tribu te to the tendency toward less socia l s a tis ­ fa c tio n . CHAPTER V SUMMARY9 CONCLUSIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS Summary . The major purpose o f th is research was the inves tiga tio n o f ru ra l Montanans' a tt itu de s toward ch ild rea ring , education, and socia l \ l i f e and recrea tion . These were corre la ted w ith one another and also w ith the personal variab les o f sex, age, m arita l s ta tu s , income, re lig io n , church attendance, number o f ch ild ren , ch ild ren between the ages o f 0-17 l iv in g in the home, ch ild ren 18 and over l iv in g in the home, and leve l o f education. Partic ipan ts fo r the study were 332 ru ra l Montanans from twelve randomly selected counties : Fergus, Musselshell, Powder R iver, McCone, Roosevelt, P h il l ip s , B la ine , Teton, Madison, Meagher, Flathead, and Sanders. The sample was predominantly female (59.6%), the mean age group was 36-50, and nearly seven-eighths (84.6%) o f the respondents were married. The present in ve s tig a to r was not involved in the co lle c tio n o f data which took place in 1973. For the purposes o f th is paper, fou r instruments from the o r ig in a l data were used: a general in fo r ­ mation sec tion , A Survey o f Opinions Regarding the D isc ip line of Children by I t k i n, A ttitudes Toward Education by Rundquist and S le tto , and a socia l l i f e and recrea tion scale developed by the p ro jec t leader 58 and his graduate ass is tan t. The instruments were evaluated and scored by the present researcher; the data were coded fo r tra n s fe rr in g to e le c tron ic data processing equipment. Five hypotheses were judged using the .05 leve l o f s ign ificance as the c r ite r io n fo r the acceptance or re je c tio n o f the hypotheses throughout. This y ie lded the fo llow ing re su lts : Hypothesis I : A s ig n if ic a n t re la tio n sh ip ex ists between a ttitudes toward ch ild rearing and a ttitu des toward (a) education and (b) socia l l i f e and recrea tion . A s ig n if ic a n t po s itive re la tion sh ip was found to e x is t between au tho rita ria n c h ild rearing a ttitu de s and.a po s itive a tt itu d e toward education. A u tho rita rian c h ild rearing a ttitu de s were also s ig n if ic a n t ly re la ted to less socia l s a tis fa c tio n . Hypothesis 2: A s ig n if ic a n t re la tio n sh ip ex is ts between a ttitudes toward ch ild rearing and the personal variab les o f (a) sex, (b) age, (c) m arita l s ta tus , (d) income, (e) re lig io n , ( f ) church attendance, ? (g) number o f ch ild ren , (h) ch ild ren between the ages o f 0-17 l iv in g in the home, ( i ) ch ild ren 18 and over l iv in g in the home, and ( j ) leve l o f education. A s ig n if ic a n t po s itive re la tio n sh ip was found to e x is t between au tho rita ria n ch ild rearing a ttitu de s and males, those who were o lde r, P ro testan ts , those having a la rge r number o f ch ild ren , and those having a tta ined a higher leve l o f education. 59 Hypothesis 3: A s ig n if ic a n t re la tio n sh ip ex is ts between a ttitudes toward education and a ttitu de s toward socia l l i f e and recrea tion . Hypothesis 3 was re jected by the data.. Hypothesis 4: A s ig n if ic a n t re la tio n sh ip ex is ts between a ttitudes toward education and the personal variab les o f (a) sex, (b) age, (c) m arita l s ta tus , (d) income, (e) re lig io n , ( f ) church attendance, (g) number o f ch ild ren , (h) ch ild ren between the ages o f 0-17 l iv in g in the home, ( i ) ch ild ren 18 and over l iv in g in the home, and ( j ) leve l o f education. The data re jected a l l o f hypothesis 4. Hypothesis 5: A s ig n if ic a n t re la tio n sh ip ex is ts between a ttitudes toward soc ia l l i f e and recrea tion and the personal variab les o f (a) sex, (b) age, (c) m arita l s ta tus , (d) income, (e) re lig io n , ( f ) church attendance, (g) number o f ch ild ren , (h) ch ild ren between the ages o f 0-17 l iv in g in the home, ( i ) ch ild ren 18 and over l iv in g in the home, and ( j ) leve l o f education. Social in te ra c tio n was found to be.less fo r those who were male, those who were s ing le , those who attended church less fre quen tly , those w ith more ch ild ren , and those w ith more ch ild ren under the age o f 18 l iv in g in the home. Social s a tis fa c tio n was found to be less fo r those respondents in the higher income brackets and those w ith less extensive education. 60 Conclusions Data from the analysis o f the hypotheses support these con- . e lus ions : Conclusion I : The respondents o f th is sample, who leaned toward au tho rita rian ism in th e ir ch ild rearing views, also leaned toward a more po s itive outlook toward education. Hypothesis la showed tha t a. s ig n if ic a n t re la tio n sh ip existed between ch ild rearing a ttitudes and a ttitu de s toward education. Conclusion 2: Montanans o f th is sample reporting democratic ch ild rearing a ttitu de s also tended to report a higher degree o f social ' s a tis fa c tio n . Hypothesis lb showed tha t a s ig n if ic a n t re la tionsh ip existed between a ttitudes toward ch ild rearing and a ttitu de s toward socia l l i f e and recrea tion . Conclusion 3: In th is sample, males appeared to be more au tho rita rian in th e ir a tt itu de s toward ch ild rearing than females. Hypothesis 2a showed th a t a s ig n if ic a n t re la tio n sh ip existed between a ttitudes toward ch ild rearing and sex. Conclusion 4: Those who comprised the o lder age groups in th is sample seemed to be more tra d it io n a l or au tho rita ria n in th e ir ch ild rearing a ttitu de s .than the younger p a rtic ip a n ts . Hypothesis 2b showed tha t a s ig n if ic a n t re la tio n sh ip existed between a ttitudes toward ch ild rearing and age. 61 Conclusion 5: The ru ra l Montanans o f th is sample who had a la rger number o f ch ild ren tended to hold more au tho rita ria n views o f ch ild rearing while those w ith fewer ch ild ren tended to be more democratic. Hypothesis 2g showed th a t a s ig n if ic a n t re la tion sh ip existed between ch ild rearing a ttitu des and number o f ch ild ren . Conclusion 6: Among the pa rtic ipan ts in th is sample, more equali - ta r ian or democratic views o f ch ild rearing were re la ted to higher leve ls o f education. Hypothesis 2 j i l lu s tra te d tha t a s ig n if ic a n t re la tio n sh ip existed between ch ild rearing a ttitudes and leve l o f education. Conclusion 7: With reference to th is sample i t can be said tha t there were no personal variab les which influenced the a ttitu de s held toward education. The re je c tio n o f hypothesis 4 supports th is conclusion. Conclusion 8: Among the pa rtic ipan ts in th is sample, males appeared to in te ra c t s o c ia lly less than females. Hypothesis 5a showed tha t a s ig n if ic a n t re la tio n sh ip existed between a ttitudes toward social l i f e and recrea tion and sex. Conclusion 9: Respondents o f th is sample comprising the higher income brackets seemed less s a tis f ie d w ith th e ir socia l liv e s than those in the lower income brackets. Hypothesis 5d showed tha t a s ig n if ic a n t re la tio n sh ip existed between a ttitu de s toward socia l l i f e and recrea­ tio n and income. 62 Conclusion 10: Rural Montanans representative o f th is sample who attended church more often appeared to be active s o c ia lly in other respects as w e ll. Hypothesis 5 f showed tha t a s ig n if ic a n t re la t io n ­ ship existed between a ttitu des toward socia l l i f e and recreation and church attendance. Conclusion 11: Those respondents in th is sample having a la rger number o f ch ild ren did not appear as s o c ia lly active as those w ith fewer ch ild ren . Hypothesis Sg showed tha t a s ig n if ic a n t re la tion sh ip existed between a ttitu de s toward socia l l i f e and recrea tion and number o f ch ild ren . Conclusion 12: With respect to th is sample, having ch ild ren between the ages o f 0-17 l iv in g in the home was re la ted to a lesser amount o f soc ia l in te ra c tio n . Hypothesis Sh showed tha t a s ig n if ic a n t re la tio n sh ip existed between a ttitu de s toward socia l l i f e and recrea­ tio n and ch ild ren between the ages o f 0-17 l iv in g in the home. Conclusion 13: Among the pa rtic ip an ts in th is sample, a higher degree o f socia l s a tis fa c tio n was re la ted to more extensive education. Hypothesis Sj showed tha t a s ig n if ic a n t re la tion sh ip existed between a tt itu d e s toward soc ia l l i f e and recrea tion and leve l o f education. Recommendations Conclusions were not based on s ig n if ic a n t re la tionsh ips invo lv ing m arita l sta tus and re lig io n . The percentages o f respondents )63 representing the groups: never married (6.9%), married (84.6%), divorced (1.5%), and widowed (6.9%) were so d isproportiona te tha t fu r th e r study is necessary to assess the find ing w ith any accuracy. The percentages o f respondents comprising the groups: Roman Catholic (17.5%), Protestant (74.5%), other (1.8%), and no re lig io u s preference (6.1%) were also qu ite d isp roportiona te . On the basis o f the large concentration in one group (P ro testant) fu r th e r study is also necessary to provide accuracy in in te rp re tin g the data. The pa rtic ipan ts o f th is study, fo r the most p a rt, seemed to regard education very h ig h ly . I t seems tha t fu r th e r in ves tiga tion might be he lp fu l in determining the re la tio n sh ip between a favorable a tt itu d e such as th is one and actual behavior. In other words does a s ig n if ic a n t p o s itive re la tio n sh ip e x is t between having a favorable a tt itu d e toward education and support o f the loca l schools and/or " teachers? P a rtic ip a tio n in school a c t iv it ie s (b a ll games, concerts,.- PTA, e tc . ) , attendance a t school board meetings, and the passage of special lev ies are also areas o f concern in th e ir re la tio n sh ip w ith a ttitu des toward education. In terms o f socia l l i f e and recrea tion , i t appeared from the study th a t those having a la rge r number o f ch ild ren were not as active s o c ia lly as those w ith fewer ch ild ren . I t seems th a t youth groups in the community such as FHA, 4-H, Scouts, e tc . , could provide free babys itting services from time to time so parents could get out more 64 V ea s ily . An exchange o f services might con tribu te to the well-be ing o f both parents and youth. Members from such groups could exchange an hour or more o f th e ir time babys itting fo r the same amount o f time from the parents in helping w ith the organ ization . Students o f high school home economics could get p rac tica l experience and academic c re d it by making themselves ava ilab le fo r a few hours in the same kind o f s itu a tio n . Another possible means o f helping to increase socia l in te r ­ action and sa tis fa c tio n might be the development o f special in te re s t groups (gourmet cooking, macrame, parenting, f l y ty in g , s o ft b a l l , ' back packing, e tc . ) . I t would be espec ia lly he lp fu l i f there could be something fo r each fam ily member to be involved in , perhaps helping to strengthen both fam ily and community l i f e . .Resource persons might inc lude: teachers, extension agents, re t ire d persons, loca l craftsmen, homemakers w ith professional s k i l l s , e tc . To gain a wider perspective on ru ra l fam ily l i f e s ty les i t would be he lp fu l fo r the present study to be rep lica ted in other ru ra l areas outside the s ta te o f Montana. In so doing, there would be a greater amount o f information on which to bu ild . Regional and cu ltu ra l d iffe rences could also be examined. An inves tiga tion o f those l iv in g in urban Montana would be he lp fu l in determining any d iffe rences tha t might e x is t between an urban and ru ra l population. 65 There are other questions which are also pe rtin en t. Research is needed to provide answers such as: What is th e .re la tio n sh ip between parental a tt itu d e s , ch ild behavior and personality? What is the e ffe c t o f c h ild rearing seminars, classes, etc. on parental a tt itu des and/or c h ild rearing techniques? Is there consistency between what parents repo rt th e ir ch ild rearing a ttitu de s to be and th e ir behavior when observed in in te ra c tio n w ith th e ir ch ildren? Is there consistency between the way ch ild ren perceive th e ir parents and actual parental a ttitudes? 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Tribe (E d .), A modular approach'to ch ild development. Ogden, Utah: Weber State College, 1973. Sunley, R. Early n ineteenth-century American l i te ra tu re on ch ild rearing . In M. Mead & M. Wolfenstein (Eds.), Childhood in contemporary cu ltu res . Chicago: Un ivers ity o f Chicago Press, 1955 . Thompson, G. G. Child psychology. Boston: Houghton M i f f l in , 1952. Trumbull, J. H. (E d .), The true blue laws o f Connecticut and the fa lse blue laws invented by the Rev. Samuel Peters (1876), pp. 69-70. Cited by S. A. Queen & R. W. Habenstein, The fam ily in various cu ltu res . Philade lph ia : J. B. L ipp in co tt, 1967 . P. 2 8 K U.S. Department o f Commerce, Bureau o f the Census. Census o f the popula tion: 1970. Characte ris tics o f the popula tion, 1(28), Montana. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government P r in tin g -O ffic e , 1973 . Wilson, R. F. & Sperry, I . V. Child rearing techniques o f ru ra l mothers. Journal o f Home Economics, 1961 , 53(6), 457-461. Winch, R. F. Rearing by the book. In M. B. Sussman (E d .), Sourcebook in marriage and the fam ily . New York: Houghton M if f l in , 1968. APPENDIX 72 GENERAL INFORMATION Regardless o f your age or sex, and whether married or s in g le , answer a l l o f the items on the fo llow ing pages as they apply to you. I f ce rta in items do not a t a l l apply to your s itu a t io n , omit them and go on to the next item tha t does apply to you. I f we have not included enough possible answers to ce rta in items, please w rite in the answer you fee l would be the best one fo r you. I t is important to remember tha t there is no such th ing as a r ig h t or wrong answer to any question in th is survey. We simply are seeking the opinions o f ru ra l Montana people, so the only possible " r ig h t" answer is your honest opinion. I . Your sex: Male Female 2. Age: _____Under 21 _____2 1 - 2 8 _____29-35 _____36-50 51-65 Over 65 3. Have you ever been: Engaged Married Divorced Widowed No Yes I f yes, how many times 4. Check the category tha t represents the income you reported fo r your 1972 tax re turns. (This w i l l include earnings o f both man and w ife . ) _____over $25,000 _____$7,000 - 9,999 $20,000 - 24,999 $15,000 - 19,999 $10,000 - 14,999 $5,000 - 6,999 $3,000 - 4,999 Under $3,000 5. Relig ion: Roman Catholic Other re lig io n ( No re lig io n Protes ta n t(_____________ ) Denomination __________________ ) specify 73 6. Frequency o f church attendance: _____Once or tw ice per. month _____Three or more times per month _____Never attend church _____A few times per year 7. Total number o f ch ild ren you have ever had: _____ Sons j____ Daughters 8. Number o f ch ildren, now l iv in g in your home: Age 0-17 _____ _____ ' Boy G irl 9. Number o f ch ild ren now l iv in g in your home: Age 18 or older Boy Gi r l 10. Check the highest leve l o f education you have a tta ined : _____Completed less than eighth grade _____Completed eighth grade '_____Attended high school _____Completed high school _____Attended college _____Completed bachelor degree _____College beyond bachelor degree _____Masters degree Have doctors degree _____Finished business college Finished a trade school ■74 CHILD REARING Read each item c a re fu lly and then c irc le the A, D5 or U to Ind ica te whether you agree, disagree or are undecided as to how you fee l about the statement. Do not spend much time on any one item and remember there is no r ig h t answer except the one tha t most honestly represents your fee lings . A D A ' D A D A D A D A D A D A D A D A D A . D A D U I . Parents should demand complete .obedience from th e ir ch ild ren . U 2. Children should not be allowed to argue w ith th e ir parents. U 3. Children these days are usually given too much freedom. U 4. Parents seem to be re lu c tan t or a fra id to d is c ip lin e th e ir ch ild ren . U 5. Children should receive some pay fo r chores they do around the home. U 6. Parents should take away a c h ild 's p r iv ile g e s , such as watching a fa v o r ite te le v is io n program, as punish­ ment fo r misbehavior. U 7. A child.who misbehaves should be spanked. LI 8. A c h ild 's own fee lings and desires are re la t iv e ly unimportant; the important th ing is fo r him to do as he is to ld . U 9. Children should be required to do ce rta in tasks w ithout pay. U 10. An important aspect o f d is c ip lin e is th a t the ch ild should not know what to expect next o f his parents. LI 11. A parent ought not place very much tru s t in a ch ild . U 12. Children are not capable o f making any o f th e ir own decisions much before the age o f 12. 75 A D U 13. A D U 14. A D U 15. A D U 16. A D U 17. A D U 18. A D U 19. A D U .20. I f a ch ild does something wrong and gets in trouble w ith the school or the law, the parents should t r y to "get him o f f the hook." A fou r-yea r-o ld should be severely punished fo r bed­ wetting . I f the ch ild ren are f ig h tin g the parents should break i t up a t once and in some way punish the one who s ta rted i t . The more freedom you give a ch ild the worse he gets. Parents are not required to explain to ch ild ren the reasons fo r parental actions or commands. Children should have a voice in fam ily decisions tha t a ffe c t them, such as moving to a new town. A ch ild who is unusual in any way should be encouraged to be more l ik e other ch ild ren . Parents have to crack down harder on ch ild ren i f our na tion 's moral standards are to be saved. 76 ATTITUDES TOWARD EDUCATION Read each item c a re fu lly and then c irc le the A5 D5 or U to ind ica te whether you agree, disagree, or are undecided as to how you feel about the statement. Do not spend much time on any one item , and remember there is no r ig h t answer except the one th a t most honestly represents your fee lings . A D U I . A person can learn more by working fo r fou r years than by going to school. A D U 2. The more education a person has the be tte r he is able to enjoy l i f e . A D U 3. Education helps a person to use his le isu re time to be tte r advantage. A D U 4. A good education is a great comfort to someone who can 't f in d a job . A D U 5. Only subjects l ik e reading, w r it in g , and a rithm e tic should be taught a t pub lic expense. A D U 6. Education is no help in ge tting a job today. A D U 7. Most young people are ge tting too much education. A D U 8. An education is worth a l l the time and e f fo r t i t requ ires. A D U 9. Our schools encourage an ind iv idua l to th in k fo r h imself. A A A A D D D D U 10. There are too many fads and f r i l l s in modern education U 11. Education only makes a person discontented. U 12. School tra in in g is o f l i t t l e help in meeting the problems o f real l i f e . U 13. . Education tends to make a person less conceited. 77 A D U 14. Solution o f the w orld 's problems w i l l come through education. A D U 15. High school and college courses are too im p rac tica l. A D U 16. A person is fo o lis h to keep going to school i f he can get a job . A D U 17. Savings spent on education are w ise ly invested. A D U 18. An educated person can advance more ra p id ly in business and industry . A D U 19. Parents should not be compelled to send th e ir ch ild ren to school. A D U 20. Education is more valuable than most people th in k . A D U 21. An education makes a person a be tte r c it iz e n . A D U 22. Public money spent on education during the past few years could have been used more w ise ly fo r other purposes. 78 SOCIAL L IFE AND RECREATION In th is series o f questions we are most in te rested in learn ing what your usual p rac tice is w ith respect to in te rac tions w ith re la t iv e s , fr ie n d s , and neighbors who l iv e near you. For the purpose o f answering these questions please do not take in to account the v is i t in g back and fo r th tha t you may do w ith friends and re la tive s who do not l iv e in your community. Place an X in fro n t o f the statement th a t is most appropria te fo r you. 1. How many fam ilie s o f your re la tive s (considering both sides of the fam ily ) are there l iv in g in your community? _____6 or more _____4-5 2-3 _____"I _____None 2. What is the q u a lity o f your re la tio n sh ip in general, w ith these re la tives? _____Very good _____Good _____Fair _____Poor _____Very poor 3. How many fam ilie s l iv in g in your community, not counting re la t iv e s , do you consider to be very close friends? Over 20 12-19 6-11 4-5 3 2 I 0 4. What is your fe e lin g about the general fr ie nd lin e ss o f your community? _____Extremely fr ie n d ly _____Quite fr ie n d ly _____About average _____Not very fr ie n d ly _____Extremely un friend ly 5. With whom do you have most o f your socia l in te rac tion? _____Almost e n tire ly w ith re la tiv e s _____About h a lf w ith re la tive s _____Mostly w ith friends and neighbors _____Only w ith friends and neighbor? We have no socia l in te rac tions 79 6. How often do friends "drop in " to v is i t a t your house? _____We have 2 or more ca lle rs per week _____About once a week _____Once or tw ice a month _____A few times a year Never 7. How often do you in v ite people to your house fo r dinner and v is it in g ? _____At leas t once a week _____Once or tw ice a month _____A few times a year _____Once a year Never 8. How often do you "drop in " a t fr ie n d s ' homes to v is i t? _____At leas t once a week _____Once or tw ice a month _____A few times a year _____Once a year Never 9. How often are you in v ite d to someone's house fo r dinner and v is it in g ? _____Once or more per week _____Once or tw ice a month _____A few times a year _____Once a year Never 10. How frequen tly do you v is i t by telephone w ith friends or neighbors? ' _____Several times d a ily . _____About one c a ll a day _____3-4 ca lls per week _____Once a week _____Once a month _____Hardly ever Never 11. How much do you fee l tha t you "belong" in your community? _____Feel we are very well accepted _____Feel we are somewhat accepted _____Feel we are somewhat shunned _____Feel we are le f t out and re jected I12. How do you fee l about the amount o f socia l in te ra c tio n you have? (You may check more than one) _____I wish we had more v is ito rs come to our house _____I wish we would v is i t other people more often _____I fee l we have about the r ig h t amount _____ I wish people would not come to our house so often _____I wish we would not go to v i s i t others so often _____I wish our re la tiv e s would leave us alone 13. How much do male, members o f the fam ily go out to f is h , hunt, bowl, or g o lf , leaving the women and smaller ch ild ren a t home? _____ Far too often _____Frequently _____Not too often _____Hardly ever 80 . 14. How often does the lady o f the house go out to clubs, p a rtie s , e tc . , leaving fa the r and the ch ild ren a t home? _____Far too often _____Frequently ____ Not too often _____Hardly ever 15. What would you say is the ove ra ll tone or q u a lity o f your fam ily l i fe ? _____The best _____Very good _____Satis fac to ry _____Not very good ____JPpor _____Very poor 16. To what extent do you fee l th a t your home and fam ily is a lov ing , warm, and happy one? _____Extremely so _____ Pretty much so _____Not very much so _____ I t ' s unsa tis fac to ry _____I t ' s very unsa tis fac to ry _____About average NOTE: Items I , 3, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 12, 13, and 14, comprised the socia l in te ra c tio n scale. Items 2, 4, 11, 15, and 16 comprised the socia l s a tis fa c tio n scale. . _ ___ _ *->- ,,MTticeerrY LIBRARIES 3 1762 10014308 8 H 3 7 8 H e r d in a , Donna R H lt lQ R t ir a l M o n tan an s ' c o p .2 a t t i t u d e s to w a rd c h i l d r e a r in g . . . DATE ISSUED TO ( . [ OrKUf S o rroS f C